XT 


THE 

HISTORY 


OF    THE 


PACIFIC  STATES 


HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT 


r- 

X 


BANCROFT    LIBRARY 


V  O  L.    I. 


CENTRAL   AMERICA 


VOL,   I.     15  01 -15  3O 


' 


, 


PROSPECTUS 


OF  THE 


LITERARY  WORKS 


OP 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT 


SAN  FBANCISCO  : 
A.  L.  BANCROFT  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 

1882. 


... 


,-. 


THE    LITERARY  WORKS 


OF 


HUBEET  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


THE  AUTHOR. 

Mr  Bancroft  was  born  at  Granville,  Ohio,  in  1832. 
His  parents  were  from  New  England,  and  he  was 
early  trained  in  all  the  stern  doctrines  of  the  Puri 
tans.  Working  on  the  farm  during  summer,  and 
attending  school  in  winter,  the  time  passed  by,  until 
in  his  sixteenth  year  he  went  to  Buffalo,  and  entered 
the  store  of  a  bookseller.  There  he  remained  four 
years,  until  1852,  when  he  was  sent  by  his  employer 
to  open  a  bookstore  in  California.  The  death  of  his 
patron  disconcerted  his  plans,  and  it  was  not  until 
1856  that  the  business  was  begun  on  Montgomery 
street,  in  San  Francisco.  Though  extremely  fond  of 
books,  he  was  a  diligent  man  of  business,  and  applied 
himself  early  and  late  to  place  his  establishment  in 
the  first  rank  on  the  Pacific  Coast.  His  habits  of 
industry  never  left  him,  and  when  he  entered  the 
field  of  letters,  he  carried  with  him  not  only  the 
pecuniary  means  essential  to  the  achievement  of  great 
results,  but  those  common-sense  views  which  spring 
from  practical  business  experience,  and  which  literary 
men  so  often  lack. 


BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 


THE  LIBRARY. 

Hardly  had  Mr  Bancroft  begun  his  business  career 
in  San  Francisco  when  he  saw  that  much  valuable 
information  relating  to  the  Pacific  Coast  was  being 
lost,  was  dropping  out  of  existence  for  want  of  some 
one  to  save  it.  Having  from  the  first  a  penchant  for 
publishing,  and  feeling  a  growing  need  of  this  lost 
Knowledge  in  the  preparation  of  books  for  the  press, 
be  began  instinctively  to  gather  and  preserve  it. 
First  he  went  over  his  stock  and  placed  by  them 
selves  all  books  and  pamphlets  on  California  and 
Oregon.  Then  from  all  parts  of  the  country  he 
brought  in  material,  gradually  extending  the  area 
of  his  territory,  until  the  western  half  of  North 
America  was  embraced  within  its  limits.  Then  he 
went  East,  and  to  Europe,  to  see  what  could  be 
gathered  there;  and  this  he  did  many  times,  with 
much  diligence,  and  at  great  expense. 

Both  business  and  Library  having  assumed  con 
siderable  proportions,  in  1869  Mr  Bancroft  erected 
a  large  building  on  Market  street,  and  moved  into  it, 
the  Library  being  placed  on  the  fifth  floor.  There 
it  remained,  subject  to  no  small  risk  from  fire,  until 
1881,  when  Mr  Bancroft  purchased  a  large  lot  on 
Valencia  street,  built  in  the  middle  of  it  a  two-story 
and  basement  brick  building,  40  by  60  feet,  covered 
all  the  openings  with  strong  iron  shutters,  and  in  it 
placed  his  books,  maps,  and  manuscripts,  which  by 
this  time  numbered  35,000,  besides  400  files  of  Pacific 
Coast  newspapers.  There  they  now  stand,  building 
and  books,  a  monument  to  the  elevation  of  mind  and 
patient  devotion  of  the  collector. 

The  plain  exterior  of  the  substantial  structure  is 
somewhat  relieved  by  the  trees  and  flowers  which  sur 
round  it;  the  interior  is  conveniently  arranged,  and 
well  lighted  and  ventilated.  The  main  library  and 
working  room  is  on  the  second  floor.  Here  also  is 


THE  LIBRARY.  5 

the  historian's  private  study,  a  large  apartment  facing 
the  south  and  east,  with  light  softened  by  tints  agree 
able  to  the  eye,  and  tastefully  furnished.  Four  tables 
covered  with  historical  notes,  arranged  in  the  order 
required  by  the  writer  for  immediate  use,  occupy  the 
floor;  at  one  of  these  the  historian  may  sit  and  write, 
at  another  he  may  stand.  At  one  end  is  a  case  filled 
with  manuscript  ready  for  the  printer,  while  on  the 
walls  are  hung,  beside  maps  for  constant  use,  certifi 
cates  of  degrees  conferred  and  memberships  of  learned 
societies.  Three  rooms  in  the  rear  are  used  by  as 
many  of  Mr  Bancroft's  staff,  while  the  remainder 
occupy  the  main  hall.  The  Library  walls  are  filled 
with  shelving  nine  tiers  high,  containing  four  classes 
of  books.  Most  of  the  space  is  occupied  by  works 
alphabetically  arranged,  each  volume  bearing  a  num 
ber,  and  the  numbers  running  .consecutively  from  1  to 
12,000,  which  constitutes  the  first  class.  The  second 
class  is  that  of  rare  books,  three  hundred  volumes  set 
apart  by  reason  of  their  great  value,  not  merely 
pecuniary,  though  each  volume  will  bring  from  $40 
to  $400  in  the  book  markets  of  the  world,  but  literary 
value  as  standard  authorities,  bibliographic  curiosities, 
specimens  of  early  printing,  and  rare  linguistics.  Not 
one  of  these  volumes  but  is  worthy  of  careful  study, 
particularly  the  earliest  products  of  the  Mexican 
press,  and  the  first  books,  printed  in  California.  The 
third  class  is  composed  entirely  of  manuscripts,  in 
1200  volumes  of  three  subdivisions  relating  respect 
ively  to  Mexico  and  Central  America,  to  California, 
and  to  other  Pacific  States.  There  are  here  many 
curious  and  valuable  sixteenth -century  records  of 
Mexican  affairs ;  but  the  Calif ornian  is  attracted  more 
particularly  to  the  Californian  manuscripts,  number 
ing  nearly  600  volumes.  Here  he  is  shown,  first,  the 
public  archives  of  the  State,  and  of  its  chief  towns, 
from  1769  to  1847,  in  76  volumes,  copied  and  extracted 
from  500  tomes,  and  no  end  of  packages  of  original 
records,  preserved  by  the  United  States  government, 


G  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

and  by  the  various  counties;  then  6J.  volumes  of 
Mission  Archives,  copied  from  the  writings  of  the  old 
padres,  and  supplemented  by  several  bulky  volumes  of 
originals;  next  100  large  volumes  of  private  archives, 
most  precious  of  all,  consisting  of  some  5000  original 
papers  collected  from  native  Californian  and  pioneer 
iUinilies.  The  number  of  volumes  gives  no  idea  of 
the  value  of  this  collection,  since  each  one  would 
furnish  from  10  to  50  documents  heretofore  wholly 
unknown,  each  of  which  by  itself  would  send  the 
enthusiastic  local  annalist  into  ecstasies.  Two  hun 
dred  volumes  of  original  narratives  from  memory  by 
as  many  early  Californians,  native  and  pioneer,  writ 
ten  by  themselves  or  taken  down  from  their  lips  by 
Mr  Bancroft's  agents,  constitute  a  valuable  and  unique 
mass  of  historic  data;  and  finally  a  miscellaneous  col 
lection,  130  volumes  strong,  completes  the  Californian 
manuscripts.  The  thoughtful  visitor  is  impressed 
particularly  with  the  ideas,  first,  that  it  would  be 
folly  to  attempt  the  writing  of  an  exhaustive  history 
without  this  material;  and  secondly,  that  for  no  other 
country  in  the  world  does  there  exist  so  perfect  a 
collection  of  material  for  its  earliest  annals.  The 
fourth  class  is  that  made  up  of  450  works  of  refer 
ences,  bibliographies,  etc.  This  makes  a  total  of 
13,950  volumes,  which  were  placed  on  this  upper 
floor  immediately  on  completion  of  the  building. 

Descending  by  a  wide,  open  stairway,  which  practi 
cally  throws  the  whole  Library  into  one  room,  the 
visitor  finds  on  the  side- wall  shelves  of  the  lower  de 
partment  104  sets,  aggregating  10,000  volumes.  These 
sets  are  conveniently  lettered  and  numbered  in  a  man 
ner  that  renders  each  work  readily  accessible,  but 
which  need  not  be  described  in  detail  here.  They 
consist  of  large  collections  of  voyages  and  travels,  and 
of  documents,  periodicals,  legislative  and  other  public 
productions  of  the  different  states  and  territories,  col 
lections  of  laws  and  legal  reports,  California  supreme 
court  "records  and  briefs,  scrap-books,  almanacs,  di- 


THE  LIBRARY.  7 

rectories,  folios,  bound  volumes  of  pamphlets,  and 
other  miscellaneous  matter.  Here  may  be  noticed 
Lord  Kingsborough's  famous  folios  on  Mexican  an 
tiquities;  a  splendid  set  of  the  United  States  Explor 
ing  Expedition  in  27  volumes,  quarto  and  folio;  the 
tomes  of  photographs  and  engravings  on  Mexican  and 
Central  American  ruins  by  Charnay,  Waldeck,  Du- 
paix,  and  others;  130  volumes  of  Judge  Ben  Hayes' 
historical  collection  on  Southern  California;  works 
in  Russian  on  Alaska,  and  the  Ross  colony;  and  some 
thousands  of  Mexican  sermpnes  in  60  volumes.  Of  no 
inconsiderable  importance  is  a  set  of  Papeles  Varios,  in 
216  volumes,  including  some  3000  Mexican  pamphlets, 
largely  political  in  their  nature,  and  invaluable  for 
historic  purposes.  This  grand  set  has  been  formed 
by  uniting  a  dozen  smaller  ones  collected  by  as  many 
prominent  Mexicans  in  past  years.  On  the  rear  or 
western  wall  are  the  United  States  government  docu 
ments,  numbering  2000  volumes.  Three  lofty  double 
tiers  of  shelving  which  extend  across  the  room  from 
north  to  south  are  loaded  with  the  bulky  files  of  400 
Pacific  States  newspapers,  before  mentioned,  amount 
ing — if  a  year  of  weeklies  and  three  months  of  dailies 
be  counted  a  volume — to  over  4000  volumes.  It  is 
a  somewhat  unwieldy  mass,  but  indispensable  to  the 
local  historian.  In  this  room  is  a  huge  case  with 
drawers  for  maps,  geographically  arranged,  and  also 
cases  containing  card  indexes  and  catalogues,  which 
have  been  prepared  with  great  labor,  and  which  for 
working  purposes  are  found  infinitely  preferable  to  any 
system  of  classifying  books  on  the  shelves.  Amongst 
the  first  labors  of  the  librarian  after  removal  was  to 
copy  the  card  catalogue  into  an  imperial  folio  volume 
of  1400  pages,  and  place  in  each  volume  the  book 
mark  of  'THE  BANCROFT  LIBRARY/  Maps  and  historic 
prints  fill  all  not  otherwise  occupied  space  on  the 
walls;  scattered  about  on  top  of  the  book-cases,  and 
elsewhere,  are  some  aboriginal  relics  and  curiosities 
which  have  at  various  times  been  presented  to  the 


8  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

Library  by  its  admirers,  but  Mr  Bancroft  makes  no 
effort  to  collect  in  this  direction.  The  basement  of 
the  building  is  used  for  storage  of  fuel,  of  stereotype 
plates,  and  other  articles.  The  Library  is  still  grow- 
in--  at  the  rate  of  about  1000  volumes  a  year. 

It  is  clearly  evident  to  every  intelligent  person  that 
the  creation  of  this  Library  was  an  important  event 
in  the  annals  of  the  country.  Nothing  approaching 
it  in  originality,  value,  and  magnitude  has  ever  been 
accomplished  in  America,  even  by  a  state,  a  govern 
ment,  or  a  society.  None  but  a  private  individual 
could  have  collected  this  material;  none  but  a  man  of 
ability,  wealth,  and  literary  enthusiasm — qualities 
which  we  rarely  see  combined — could  have  remained 
capable  and  constant  during  the  long  series  of  years 
necessary  to  such  a  development.  If  a  state  or  so 
ciety  would  vote  and  supply  the  money,  which  they 
would  be  backward  about  doing  even  if  they  could; 
and  if  the  officers  of  the  state  or  society  did  not 
sUul  or  misapply  it;  where  would  be  found  a  compe 
tent  person  ready  to  devote  thirty  years  of  his  life  in 
the  quiet,  persistent  effort  necessary?  Who  would 
have  tramped  the  whole  world,  searching  every  nook 
and  corner  of  it  for  additions  to  an  accumulation  of 
facts?  And  when  all  printed  material  had  thus  been 
brought  from  the  four  quarters  of  the  earth,  the  work 
was  only  just  begun.  There  were  a  thousand,  five 
thousand  witnesses  to  the  early  history  of  this  coast 
yet  living,  whom,  as  before  intimated,  Mr  Bancroft 
resolved  to  see  and  question,  all  of  them  possible;  and 
a  thousand  he  did  see,  and  a  thousand  his  assistants 
saw,  and  wrote  down  from  their  own  mouths  the  vivid 
narratives  of  their  experiences.  Then  there  were  the 
government  and  family  archives  which  he  gathered 
or  copied,  and  the  thousands  of  stray  documents  he 
hunted  and  filed  away  for  safe  keeping.  And  after 
many  years  were  thus  spent,  and  many  thousands  of 
dollars,  to  erect  a  substantial  edifice  for  the  accommo 
dation  and  preservation  of  this  priceless  material— 


AUTHORSHIP.  9 

has  the  thing  ever  been  done  in  any  such  way  as  this 
before  ?  No  one  with  money  could  go  into  the  market 
and  buy  such  a  collection ;  all  the  money  in  the  United 
States  could  not  reproduce  it  were  it  scattered  or  de 
stroyed.  Like  the  mammoth  trees  of  California,  such 
a  Library  is  a  growth,  a  development;  it  cannot  be 
made  to  order,  or  spoken  into  existence. 

A  visitor  writing  in  an  Eastern  journal  says  :-^"  As 
I  left  The  Bancroft  Library,  it  was  with  a  conviction 
that  the  institution  visited  is  one  whose  existence 
marks  an  era  in  the  history  of  our  far  West.  I  know 
of  no  other  private  library  anywhere  for  which  a  sep 
arate  edifice  has  been  erected.  I  doubt  if  there  be 
another  building  used  like  this  exclusively  as  a  lite 
rary  workshop.  Certainly  there  is  none  such  where 
there  is  no  hope  of  pecuniary  gain  from  the  product  of 
the  labor  done."  And  a  Californian  writes: — "For  a 
private  individual,  a  man  of  business,  to  collect  35,000 
volumes  on  a  special  subject,  and  to  erect  a  building 
to  hold  it,  and  preserve  it  from  fire,  at  a  cost  of  not 
less  than  $150,000;  to  go  further,  and  devote  his  time 
and  income  to  the  profitless  task  of  placing  accurately 
on  record  his  country's  history,  is  a  remarkable  and 
unprecedented  thing.  We  are  glad  and  proud  that  it 
is  in  our  state  of  California  that  such  an  evolution  is 
to  be  noted.  Mr  Bancroft  we  suppose  is  after  fame, 
and  makes  no  claim  to  philanthropic  motives;  yet 
such  a  man,  if  it  be  a  desirable  thing  that  a  country's 
history  should  be  written,  seems  very  like  a  public 
benefactor." 

THE  WORK. 

It  was  not  until  after  several  years  had  elapsed 
from  the  beginning  of  the  collecting,  nor  until  the 
Library  numbered  over  12,000  volumes,  that  Mr 
Bancroft  entertained  serious  thoughts  of  authorship. 
But  during  the  process  of  collecting  there  had  arisen 
in  him  a  strong  desire  for  production.  He  wished 


10  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

during  his  life-time  to  see  his  collection  utilized.  By 
the  year  18G8  this  desire  became  so  strong  in  him 
that  he  determined  to  place  in  his  brother's  hands 
the  active  management  of  the  business,  retaining  his 
interest  in  it  nevertheless,  and  to  devote  the  re 
mainder  of  his  life  to  literary  pursuits. 

It  seemed  due  to  science,  to  history,  and  to  phi 
losophy,   that    information    concerning   a    new   and 
rapidly  developing  country,  information  of  vast  im 
portance  to  its  occupants  and  to  mankind  everywhere, 
should  not  be  simply  hoarded  by  its  possessor,  but 
should  be  made  the  common  property  of  all.     Here 
were  many  measures  of  valuable  knowledge  brought 
together,  but  this  knowledge  was  in  such  a  shape  as 
to   be   of  little  value   to  any  one;   being   scattered 
through  these  thousands  of  volumes  in  half  a  dozen 
different  languages,  buried  in  illegibly  written  manu 
scripts,  and  mixed  with  an  immense  mass  ,of  useless 
ui id  irrelevant  matter,  with  petty  personal  narratives, 
voyages  and  travels,  and  local  history,  unimportant 
alike  to  the  general  reader  and  to  the  scholar.    While 
life  is  so  short,  and  there  is  so  much  to  be  learned, 
while  mankind  are  hurrying  forward  so  rapidly,  and 
books   and   inventions   are   multiplied,  the   searcher 
after  information  wants  his  facts  brought  before  him 
in  a  clear,  compact,  and  well-arranged  form,  so  that 
he  may  obtain   them  fully  and  quickly.     Hence   it 
was  that  Mr  Bancroft  concluded  that  he  could  do  no 
better  work,  none  that  would  more  benefit  mankind 
or  reflect  higher  credit  on  himself,  than  to  sift  this 
material  and  bring  together  and  arrange  these  facts 
HI  a  series  of  at 'once  compact  and  exhaustive  works. 
In  other  words,  he  determined  to  write  and  publish  a 
number  of  books,  with  this  new  Western  Coast  as  the 
basis  of  them  all,  taking  up  one  subject  after  another, 
such  as  its  native  races,  its  history,  and  the  like,  and 
to  continue  his  labors  as  life  and  health  should  be 
spared 

The  obstacles  were  great,  but  so  were  his  resolu- 


AUTHORSHIP.  11 

tion  and  his  courage.  Unused  to  literary  labor,  all 
was  experiment  with  him  at  first,  yet  he  planned 
boldly,  and  brought  large  resources  to  his  aid.  Real 
izing  fully  how  little  one  laborer  alone  could  accom 
plish  in  such  a  field,  he  sought  to  utilize  the  labor  of 
others.  But  being  himself  at  a  loss  how  to  start  the 
work,  he  found  it  difficult  to  direct  others.  And  thus 
passed  a  year,  two  years,  nearly  all  of  which  were  in 
one  sense  lost;  for  he  was  obliged  to  try  at  least  a 
hundred  persons  unable  to  render  him  any  assistance 
for  every  one  who  finally  proved  of  value. 

As  competent  persons  were  secured,  he  set  about 
indexing  the  subject-matter  of  his  whole  collection. 
Selecting  some  thirty  or  forty  subjects  which  approxi 
mately  embraced  all  real  knowledge — historical,  eth 
nographical,  biographical,  and  physical — he  made  an 
index  of  the  whole  mass  as  one  would  index  a  single 
book;  thereby  enabling  the  writer  on  any  one  of 
these  topics  to  follow  his  subject  through  this  other 
wise  trackless  sea  of  knowledge.  A  stranger  views 
with  astonishment,  as  he  inspects  the  Library,  a  great 
number  of  queer-looking  paper  bags,  such  as  are  used 
by  grocers,  seemingly  out  of  place  in  a  library,  until 
informed  of  their  use.  The  contents  of  these  bags 
represent  labor  which  cost  not  less  than  $80,000, 
consisting,  as  they  do,  of  millions  of  notes  and  refer 
ences  made  by  Mr  Bancroft's  assistants,  all  working 
upon  the  same  model,  so  that  what  ten  or  a  hundred 
authors  have  said  on  each  individual  topic  and  inci 
dent  may  be  brought  before  him  at  one  time.  It 
was  here  ascertained  by  experience  that  in  no  other 
way  could  notes  be  so  conveniently  arranged,  or  so 
compactly  classified. 

Money  has  been  mentioned  once  or  twice  in  this 
connection.  Although  there  are  some  things  money 
cannot  buy — in  which  category  we  may  safely  place 
the  enthusiasm  and  application  of  which  were  engen 
dered  the  literary  labors  of  Mr  Bancroft — and  al 
though  money  cannot  write  books,  yet  a  lavish  expen- 


1-j  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

diture  during  a  long  term  of  years  has  been  absolutely 
essential  to  this  achievement.      During  the  fifteen 
years  of  active  operation,  in  addition  to  the  cost  of 
his  Library,  his  Library  Building,  and  his  own  per 
sonal  efforts  and  outlays,  Mr  Bancroft  has  spent  not 
]«  >s  than  $300,000  in  indexing,  note-taking,  making 
references,  and  in  classifying,  sifting,  and  arranging 
materials  for  his  Literary  Works.     Yet  this  he  counts 
as  nothing.     He  has  never  for  a  moment  regretted  it. 
He  might  economize  in  some  things,  but  not  in  this. 
The  money  was  spent  in  a  good  cause.     He  did  not 
indulge  in  literature  for  gain;  he  was  too  experienced 
a  publisher  to  imagine  for  a  moment  that  work  of 
this  kind  would  pay  pecuniarily.     Not  that  he  was 
opposed  to  pay,  or  would  think  any  the  less  of  his 
work  if  it  did  pay;  but  he  knew  it  to  be  contrary  to 
the  nature  of  things  that  there  should  be  profitable 
returns  from  such  expenditure.      He  will  get  back 
Avhat  he  can  in  the  publication  of  his  work,  but  he  is 
perfectly  satisfied  to  be  out  several  hundred  thousand 
dollars.     He  expected  nothing  less.     What  he  wants, 
and  all  he  wants,  is  a  just  and  proper  appreciation  of 
what  he  has  done  on  the  part  of  good  and  intelligent 
men  everywhere,  and  that  is  being  done  to  his  entire 
-faction,  as  innumerable  of  the  highest  testimo 
nials  from  all  parts  amply  assure  us.    When  Mr  Ban 
croft  gave  to  the  world  the  first  fruits  of  his  literary 
toil,  in  a  work  of  5  vols.  8vo,  entitled  The  Native  Races 
of  the  Pacific  States,  the  magnitude  of  the  undertak 
ing,  and  the  great  labor  of  which  it  bore  the  marks, 
created  a  veritable  surprise  in  the  reading  and  scien 
tific  world;  and  not  only  this,  but  the  author's  faith 
ful  research,  fair  treatment  of  other  writers  cited, 
modest  pretensions,  and   graceful,  vigorous   literary 
style  won  for  him  the  warmest  praise  from  scholars 
on  every  side.     No  work  of  its  solid  class  in  the  past 
fifty  years  has  been  so  extensively  and  so  favorably 
r«-\  tewed  by  the  critics  at  home  and  abroad. 

But  this  by  no  means  filled  the  measure  of  his  am- 


AUTHORSHIP.  13 

bition.  It  was  history,  and  that  alone  of  the  first 
order,  that  would  satisfy  him.  Indeed,  the  Native 
Races  was  more  the  result  of  accident — a  lucky  one 
as  it  proved — than  of  design.  It  happened  in  this 
way.  After  giving  up  making  an  encyclopedia,  which 
was  Mr  Bancroft's  first  idea,  he  seated  himself  to 
write  history.  Beginning  with  the  coming  of  Rodrigo 
de  Bastidas  upon  the  isthmus  of  Panama,  then  and 
thereafter  whenever  Europeans  touched  the  country 
in  any  of  its  several  parts,  they  encountered  the  ab 
origines,  whom  the  historian  could  neither  wholly 
pass  by  nor  at  once  portray.  The  consequence  was 
a  separate  work  describing  them,  which,  to  what 
should  follow,  was  at  once  independent  and  intro 
ductory.  This  being  done,  Mr  Bancroft  went  on 
with  his  History  of  the  Pacific  States,  carrying  it  to 
successful  completion.  This,  indeed,  is  a  series  of 
full  and  complete  histories  from  the  coming  of  Euro 
peans  to  the  present  time,  and  comprises  Central 
America;  Mexico;  New  Mexico  and  Arizona;  Cali 
fornia;  Utah  and  Nevada;  The  Northwest  Coast; 
Oregon;  Washington,  Idaho,  and  Montana;  British 
Columbia;  and  Alaska.  After  the  History  comes 
the  California  Pastoral,  being  interesting  and  vivid 
sketches  of  life  in  California  under  the  Mission  re 
gime.  California  Inter  Pocula  treats  of  the  abnor 
mal  proceedings  during  the  flush  times.  The  work 
entitled  Popular  Tribunals  makes  the  San  Francisco 
Committee  of  Vigilance  the  central  figure.  In  the 
Literary  Industries  the  author  gives  details  concern 
ing  his  life  work,  and  his  life  experiences.  Further 
descriptions  of  all  these  works  are  given  in  their 
several  Prospectuses. 


HISTORY 


OF    THE 


PACIFIC  STATES 


o      c      /;      A      ,v 


V4  3TV* 


2>    A      C     I     />'      7      (' 


THE  WORLD  .-The  white  part  showing  THE  PACIFIC  STATES. 

\ 


HISTORY 


OF 


THE  PACIFIC  STATES 


OF 


NORTH   AMERICA. 


BY 

HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


VOLUME  I. 


CENTRAL  AMERICA 

VOL.  I.     1501-1530. 


SAN  FRANCISCO  : 
A.  L,  BANCROFT  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 

1882. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  Year  1882,  by 

HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT, 

In  the  Office  of  tho  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


All  Rights  Reserved. 


HISTOKY 


OF 


THE  PACIFIC    STATES. 


BY  HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT. 


In  about  Twenty-eight  Volumes,  Octavo,  averaging  700  pages  each,  with  Maps  and 

Illustrations. 


VOL8.  I.  II.  III. 

VOLS.  IV.-IK. 

VOLS.  X.-XL 

VOL.  XII. 

VOLS.  XIII.-XIX. 

VOL.  XX. 

VOL.  XXL 

VOLS.  XXII.-XXIII. 

'VOLS.  xx iv. -xxv. 

VOL.  XX  VI. 

VOL.  XXVII. 
VOL.  XXVIII. 


HISTORY  OF  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 

HISTORY  OF  MEXICO. 

HIST.  OF  THE  NORTH  MEXICAN  STATES. 

HISTOR  Y  OF  NEW  MEXICO  AND  ARIZONA . 

HISTORY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

HISTORY  OF  NEVADA. 

HISTORY  OF  UTAH. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  NORTHWEST  COAST. 

HISTORY  OF  OREGON. 

HISTORY  OF  WASHINGTON,  IDAHO,  AND 

MONTANA.     ' 

HISTORY  OF  BRITISH  COLUMBIA, 
HISTORY  OF  ALASKA. 


TURNING  to  the  Preface  of  the  Native  Races  we  find 
expressed  some  of  the  ideas  of  Mr  Bancroft  respect 
ing  his  work  in  his  own  words. 


"  In  pursuance  of  a  general  plan  involving  the  pro- 

(5) 


6  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

duction  of  a  series  of  works  on  the  western  half  of 
North  America,"  he  writes,  "I  present  this  delinea 
tion  of  its  aboriginal  inhabitants  as  the  first.  To  the 
immense  territory  bordering  on  the  western  ocean 
from  Alaska  to  Darien,  and  including  the  whole  of 
Mexico  and  Central  America,  I  give  arbitrarily,  for 
want  of  a  better,  the  name  Pacific  States.  Stretch 
ing  almost  from  pole  to  equator,  and  embracing  within 
its  limits  nearly  one  twelfth  of  the  earth's  surface, 
this  last  Western  Land  offers  to  lovers  of  knowledge 
a  new  and  enticing  field;  and,  although  hitherto  its 
several  parts  have  been  held  somewhat  asunder  by 
the  force  of  circumstances,  yet  are  its  occupants 
drawn  by  nature  into  nearness  of  relationship,  and 
will  be  brought  yet  nearer  by  advancing  civilization; 
the  common  oceanic  highway  on  the  one  side,  and 
the  great  mountain  ramparts  on  the  other,  both  tend 
ing  to  this  result.  The  characteristics  of  this  vast 
domain,  material  and  social,  are  comparatively  un 
known  and  are  essentially  peculiar.  To  its  exotic 
civilization  all  the  so-called  older  nations  of  the  world 
have  contributed  of  their  energies;  and  this  com 
posite  mass,  leavened  by  its  destiny,  is  now  working 
out  the  new  problem  of  its  future.  The  modern 
history  of  this  West  antedates  that  of  the  East  by 
over  a  century,  and  although  there  may  be  apparent 
heterogeneity  in  the  subject  thus  territorially  treated, 
there  is  an  apparent  tendency  toward  ultimate  unity. 
"Of  the  importance  of  the  task  undertaken,  I  need 
not  say  that  I  have  formed  the  highest  opinion.  At 
present  the  few  grains  of  wheat  are  so  hidden  by  the 
mountain  of  chaff  as  to  be  of  comparatively  little 
benefit  to  searchers  in  the  various  branches  of  learn 
ing  ;  and  to  sift  and  select  from  this  mass,  to  extract 


HISTORY  OF  THE  PACIFIC  STATES.  7 

from  bulky  tome  and  transient  journal,  from  the 
archives  of  convent  and  mission,  facts  valuable  to 
the  scholar  and  interesting  to  the  general  reader;  to 
arrange  these  facts  in  a  natural  order,  and  to  present* 
them  in  such  a  manner  as  to  be  of  practical  benefit 
to  inquirers  in  the  various  branches  of  knowledge,  is 
a  work  of  no  small  import  and  responsibility." 

And  in  the  Preface  to  the  History  of  the  Pacific 
States,  which  will  bear  the  closest  perusal,  there  is 
set  forth  much  that  we  wish  to  know  regarding  this 
work,  as  well  as  the  work  in  general.  It  reads  as 
follows : 


PREFACE. 


During  the -year  1875  I  published  under  title  of 
TJie  Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States,  what  purports 
to  be  an  exhaustive  research  into  the  character  and 
customs  of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  the  western 
portion  of  North  America,  at  the  time  they  were  first 
seen  by  their  subduers.  The  present  work  is  a  history 
of  the  same  territory  from  the  coming  of  the  Euro 
peans. 

The  plan  is  extensive  and  can,  be  here  but  briefly  ex 
plained.  The  territory  covered  embraces  the  whole  of 
Central  America  and  Mexico,  and  all  Anglo-American 
domain  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  First  given 
is  a  glance  at  European  society,  particularly  Spanish 
civilization  at  about  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century. 
This  is  followed  by  a  summary  of  maritime  explora 
tion  from  the  fourth  century  to  the  year  1540,  with 
some  notices  of  the  earliest  American  books.  Then, 


8  T, AXCROFT'S  WORKS. 

Aiming  with  the  discoveries  of  Columbus,  the 
Europe  are  closely  followed  as  one  after 
jmnthcr  they  find  and  take  possession  of  the  coun 
try  in  its  several  parts,  and  the  doings  of  their 
successors  are  chronicled.  The  result  is  a  HISTORY 
OF  THE  PACIFIC  STATES  OF  NORTH  AMERICA,  under 
the  following  general  divisions: — History  of  Central 
America;  History  of  Mexico;  History  of  the  North 
Mexican  States;  History  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona; 
History  of  Calif nm>a;  History  of  Nevada;  Hist- 
of  Utah;  History  of  the  Northwest  Coast;  History 
of  Oregon;  History  of  Washington,  Idaho,  and  Mon 
ti;  History  of  British  Columbia,  and  History  of 
Alaska. 

Broadly  stated,  my  plan  as  to  order  of  publica 
tion  proceeds  geographically  from  south  to  north,  as 
indicated  in  the  list  above  given,  which  for  the  most 
part  is  likewise  the  chronological  order  of  conquest 
and  occupation.  In  respect  of  detail,  to  some  extent 
I  reverse  this  order,  proceeding  from  the  more  gen 
eral  to  the  more  minute  as  I  advance  northward. 
The  difference,  though  considerable,  is  however  less 
in  reality  than  in  appearance.  And  the  reason  I  hold 
sufficient.  To  give  to  each  of  the  Spanish- American 
provinces,  and  later  to  each  of  the  federal  and  inde 
pendent  states,  covering  as  they  do  with  dead  mo 
notony  centuries  of  unchanging  action  and  ideas,  time 
and  space  equal  to  that  which  may  be  well  employed 
in  narrating  north-western  occupation  and  empire- 
building  would  be  no  less  impracticable  than  profit 
less.  It  is  my  aim  to  present  complete  and  accurate 
tories  of  all  the  countries  whose  events  I  attempt 
to  chronicle,  but  the  annals  of  the  several  Central 
American  and  Mexican  provinces  and  states,  both 


HISTORY  OF  THE  PACIFIC  STATES.  9 

before  and  after  the  Revolution,  run  in  grooves  too 
nearly  parallel  long  to  command  the  attention  of  the 
general  reader. 

In  all  the  territorial  subdivisions,  southern  as  well 
as  northern,  I  treat  the  beginnings  and  earliest 
development  more  exhaustively  than  later  events. 
After  the  Conquest,  the  history  of  Central  America 
and  Mexico  is  presented  on  a  scale  sufficiently  com 
prehensive,  but  national  rather  than  local.  The  north 
ern  Mexican  states  receive  somewhat  more  attention 
in  regard  to  detail  than  other  parts  of  the  republic. 
To  the  Pacific  United  States  is  devoted  more  space 
comparatively  than  to  southern  regions;  and  of  the 
latter,  California,  in  respect  to  local  and  personal 
detail,  is  regarded  as  the  centre  and  culminating 
point  of  this  historical  field. 

For  the  History  of  Central  America,  to  which  this 
must  serve  as  special  as  well  as  general  introduction, 
I  would  say,  that  beside  the  standard  chroniclers  and 
the  many  documents  of  late  printed  in  Spain  and  else 
where,  I  have  been  able  to  secure  several  valuable 
manuscripts  nowhere  else  existing.  Something  from 
the  Maximilian  and  Ramirez  collections,  and  all  of 
Mr  E.  G.  Squier's  manuscripts  relating  to  the  sub 
ject  fell  into  my  hands.  Much  of  the  material  used 
by  me  in  writing  of  this  very  interesting  part  of  the 
world  has  been  drawn  from  obscure  sources,  from 
local  and  unknown  Spanish  works,  and  from  the 
somewhat  confused  archives  of  Costa  Rica,  Hon 
duras,  Nicaragua,  San  Salvador,  and  Guatemala. 

Material  for  the  history  of  western  North  America 
has  greatly  increased  of  late.  Ancient  manuscripts 
of  whose  existence  recent  historians  never  knew,  or 


10  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

which  were  supposed  to  be  forever  lost,  have  been 
brought  to  light  and  printed  by  patriotic  men  and 
intelligent  governments.  These  fragments  supply 
many  missing  links  in  the  chain  of  early  events,  and 
illuminate  a  multitude  of  otherwise  obscure  parts. 

My  efforts  in  gathering  material  have  been  con 
tinued,  and  since  the  publication  of  The  Native  Races 
fifteen  thousand  volumes  have  been  added  to  my  col 
lection.  Among  these  additions  are  bound  volumes 
of  original  documents,  copies  from  public  and  private 
archives,  and  about  eight  hundred  manuscript  dicta 
tions  by  men  who  played  their  part  in  creating  the 
history.  Most  of  those  who  thus  gave  me  their 
testimony  in  person  are  now  dead;  and  the  narratives 
of  their  observations  and  experiences,  as  they  stand 
recorded  in  these  manuscript  volumes,  constitute  no 
unimportant  element  in  the  foundation  upon  which 
the  structure  of  this  western  history  in  its  several 
parts  must  forever  rest. 

To  the  experienced  writer,  who  might  otherwise 
regard  the  completion  of  so  vast  an  undertaking 
within  so  apparently  limited  a  period  as  work  super 
ficially  done,  I  would  say  that  this  History  was  begun 
in  1869,  six  years  before  the  publication  of  The  Native 
Races;  and  from  that  time  to  the  present,  thirteen 
years,  in  addition  to  my  own  labors  I  have  had  con 
stantly  employed  as  my  assistants  not  less  than  ten 
competent  persons,  and  at  times  twice  that  number. 
Among  these  as  the  most  faithful  and  efficient  I  take 
pleasure  in  mentioning  Mr  Henry  L.  Oak,  Mr  William 
Nemos,  Mr  Thomas  Savage,  Mrs  Frances  Fuller  Vic 
tor,  and  Mr  Ivan  Petroff,  of  whom,  and  of  others,  I 
at  length  elsewhere. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  PACIFIC  STATES.  11 

Of  my  methods  of  working  I  need  say  but  little 
here,  as  I  describe  them  more  fully  in  another  place. 
Their  peculiarity,  if  they  have  any,  consists  in  the 
employment  of  assistants,  as  before  mentioned,  to 
bring  together  by  indices,  references,  and  other  devices, 
all  existing  testimony  on  each  topic  to  be  treated.  I 
thus  obtain  important  material,  which  otherwise,  hav 
ing  but  one  life-time  to  live,  I  could  not  control. 
Completeness  of  evidence  will  by  no  means  ensure  a 
wise  decision  from  an  incompetent  judge;  yet  the 
wisest  judge  will  gladly  avail  himself  of  all  attainable 
testimony.  It  has  been  my  purpose  to  give  in  every 
instance  the  fullest  credit  to  the  sources  of  informa 
tion,  and  cite  freely  such  conclusions  of  other  writers 
as  differ  from  my  own.  I  am  more  and  more  con 
vinced  of  the  wisdom  and  necessity  of  such  a  course, 
by  which,  moreover,  I  aim  to  impart  a  certain  biblio 
graphic  value  to  my  work.  The  detail  to  be  encom 
passed  appeared  absolutely  exhaustless,  and  more  than 
once  I  despaired  of  ever  completing  my  task.  Pre 
paratory  investigation  occupied  tenfold  more  time 
than  the  writing. 

I  deem  it  proper  to  express  briefly  my  idea  of  what 
history  should  be,  and  the  general  line  of  thought 
that  has  guided  me  in  this  task.  From  the  mere 
chronicle  of  happenings,  petty  and  momentous,  to  the 
historico-philosophical  essay,  illustrated  with  here  and 
there  a  fact  supporting  the  writer's  theories,  the  range 
is  wide.  Neither  extreme  meets  the  requirements  of 
history,  however  accurate  the  one  or  brilliant  the 
other.  Not  to  a  million  minute  photographs  do  we 
look  for  practical  information  respecting  a  mountain 
range,  nor  yet  to  an  artistic  painting  of  some  one  strik- 


12  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

ing  feature.     As  between  the  two  extremes,  equally 
to  be  avoided,  the  true  historian  will,  whatever  his 
inclination,  be  impelled  by  prudence,  judgment,  and 
duty  from  theory  toward  fact,  from  vivid  coloring  to 
ward  photographic  exactness.     Not  that  there  is  too 
much  brilliancy  in  current  history,  but  too  little  fiact. 
An  accurate  record  of  events  must  form  the  founda 
tion,  and  largely  the  superstructure.     Yet  events  pure 
and  simple  are  by  no  means  more  important  than  the 
institutionary  development  which  they  cause  or  ac 
company.     Men,  institutions,  industries  must  be  stud 
ied  equally.     A  man's  character  and  influence  no  less 
than  his  actions  demand  attention.     Cause  and  effect 
are  more  essential  than  mere  occurrence;    achieve 
ments  of  peace  outrank  warlike  conquest;  the  condi 
tion  of  the  people  is  a  more  profitable  and  interesting 
subject  of  investigation  than  the  acts  of  governors, 
the  valor  of  generals,  or  the  doctrines  of  priests. 
The  historian  must  classify,  and  digest,  and  teach  as 
well  as  record;  he  should  not,  however,  confound  his 
conclusions  with  the  facts  on  which  they  rest.     Sym 
metry  of  plan  and  execution  as  well  as  rigid  conden 
sation,  ahyays  desirable,  become  an  absolute  necessity 
in  a  work  like  that  wh'ich  I  have  undertaken.     In 
respect  of  time  and  territory  my  field  is  an  immense 
one.     The  matter  to  be  presented  is  an  intricate  com 
plication  of  annals,  national  and  sectional,  local  and 
personal.     That  my  plan  is  in  every  respect  the  best 
possible,  I  do  not  say;  but  it  is  the  best  that  my 
judgment  suggests  after  long  deliberation.     The  ex 
tent  of  this  work  is  chargeable  to  the  magnitude  of 
the  subject,  and  the  immense  mass  of  information 
gathered,  rather  than  to  any  tendency  to  verbosity. 
There  is  scarcely  a  page  but  has  been  twice  or  thrice 


HISTORY  OF  THE  PACIFIC  STATES.  13 

rewritten  with  a  view  to  condensation;  and  instead 
of  faithfully  discharging  this  irksome  duty,  it  would 
have  been  far  easier  and  cheaper  to  have  sent  a  hun 
dred  volumes  through  the  press.  The  plan  once 
formed,  I  sought  to  make  the  treatment  exhaustive 
and  symmetrical.  Not  all  regions  nor  all  periods  are 
portrayed  on  the  same  scale;  but  though  the  camera 
of  investigation  is  set  up  before  each  successive  topic 
at  varying  distances,  the  picture,  large  or  small,  is 
finished  with  equal  care.  I  may  add  that  I  have  at 
tached  more  than  ordinary  importance  to  the  matter 
of  mechanical  arrangement,  by  which  through  title- 
pages,  chapter-headings,  and  indexes  the  reader  may 
expeditiously  refer  to  any  desired  topic,  and  find  all 
that  the  work  contains  about  any  event,  period,  place, 
institution,  man,  or  book;  and  to  each  topic  I  have 
aimed  to  give  an  encyclopedic  exactness. 

We  hear  much  of  the  philosophy  of  history,  of  the 
science  and  signification  of  history;  but  there  is  only 
one  way  to  write  anything,  which  is  to  tell  the  truth, 
plainly  and  concisely.  As  for  the  writer,  I  will  only 
say  that  while  he  should  lay  aside  for  the  time  his 
own  religion  and  patriotism,  he  should  be  always  ready 
to  recognize  the  influence  and  weigh  the  value  of  the 
religion  and  patriotism  of  others.  The  exact  -histo 
rian  will  lend  himself  neither  to  idolatry  nor  to  de 
traction,  and  will  positively  decline  to  act  either  as 
the  champion  or  assailant  of  any  party  or  power. 
Friendships  and  enmities,  loves  and  hates,  he  will 
throw  into  the  crucible  of  evidence  to  be  refined  and 
cast  into  forms  of  unalloyed  truth.  He  must  be  just 
and  humble.  To  clear  judgment  he  must  add  strict 
integrity  and  catholicity  of  opinion.  Ever  in  mind 


14  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

should  be  the  occult  forces  that  move  mankind,  and 
the  laws  by  which  are  formulated  belief,  conscience, 
and  character.  The  actions  of  men  are  governed  by 
proximate  states  of  mind,  and  these  are  generated 
both  from  antecedent  states  of  mind  and  antecedent 
states  of  body.  The  right  of  every  generation  should 
be  determined,  not  by  the  ethics  of  any  society,  sect,  or 
age,  but  by  the  broad,  inexorable  teachings  of  nature ; 
nor  should  we  forget  that  standards  of  morality  are  a 
freak  of  fashion,  and  that  from  wrongs  begotten  of  neces 
sity  in  the  womb  of  progress  has  been  brought  forth 
right,  and  likewise  right  has  engendered  wrongs.  He 
should  remember  that  in  the  worst  men  there  is  much 
that  is  good,  and  in  the  best  much  that  is  bad;  that 
constructed  upon  the  present  skeleton  of  human  nature 
a  perfect  man  would  be  a  monster;  nor  should  he  for 
get  how  much  the  world  owes  its  bad  men.  But  alas ! 
who  of  us  are  wholly  free  from  the  effects  of  early 
training  and  later  social  atmospheres !  Who  of  us  has 
not  in  some  degree  faith,  hope,  and  charity !  Who  of 
us  does  not  hug  some  ancestral  tradition,  or  rock  some 
pet  theory ! 

As  to  the  relative  importance  of  early  history,  here 
and  elsewhere,  it  is  premature  for  any  now  living  to 
judge.  Beside  the  bloody  battles  of  antiquity,  the 
sieges,  crusades,  and  wild  convulsions  of  unfolding  civ 
ilization,  this  transplanting  of  ours  may  seem  tame. 
Yet  the  great  gathering  of  the  enlightened  from  all 
nations  upon  these  shores,  the  subjugation  of  the 
wilderness  with  its  wild  humanity,  and  the  new  empire- 
modeling  that  followed,  may  disclose  as  deep  a  signifi 
cance  in  the  world's  future  as  any  display  of  army 
movements,  or  dainty  morsels  of  court  scandal,  or  the 


HISTORY  OF  THE  PACIFIC  STATES.  15 

idiosyncrasies  of  monarchs  and  ministers.  It  need 
not  be  recited  to  possessors  of  our  latter-day  liberties 
that  the  people  are  the  nation,  and  rulers  its  servants. 
It  is  historical  barbarism,  of  which  the  Homeric  poems 
and  Carlovingian  tales  not  alone  are  guilty,  to  throw 
the  masses  into  the  background,  or  wholly  to  ignore 
them.  "Heureux  le  peuple  dont  1'histoire  ennuie," 
the  French  used  to  say;  as  if  deeds  diabolical  were 
the  only  actions  worthy  of  record.  But  we  of  this  new 
western  development  are  not  disposed  to  exalt  brute 
battling  overmuch;  and  as  for  rulers  and  generals,  we 
discover  in  them  the  creatures,  not  the  creators,  of 
civilization.  We  would  rather  see  how  nations  origi 
nate,  organize,  and  unfold;  we  would  rather  examine 
the  structure  and  operations  of  religions,  society  re 
fineries  and  tyrannies,  class  affinities  and  antagonisms, 
wealth  economies,  the  evolutions,  of  arts  and  indus 
tries,  intellectual  and  moral  as  well  as  aesthetic  culture, 
and  all  domestic  phenomena  with  their  homely  joys  and 
cares.  For  these  last  named,  even  down  to  dress,  or  the 
lack  of  it,  are  in  part  the  style  which  is  the  man,  and  the 
man  is  the  nation.  With  past  history  we  may  become 
tolerably  familiar;  but  present  developments  are  so 
strange,  their  anomalies  are  so  startling  to  him  who 
attempts  to  reduce  them  to  form,  that  he  is  well  content 
to  leave  for  the  moment  the  grosser  extravagancies  of 
antiquity,  how  much  soever  superior  in  interest  they 
may  be  to  the  average  mind.  Yet  in  the  old  and  the 
new  we  may  alike  from  the  abstract  to  the  concrete 
note  the  genesis  of  history,  and  from  the  concrete  to 
the  abstract  regard  the  analysis  of  history.  The  his 
torian  should  be  able  to  analyze  and  to  generalize; 
yet  his  path  leads  not  alone  through  the  enticing 
fields  of  speculation,  nor  is  it  his  only  province  to 


16  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

pluck  the  fruits  and  flowers  of  philosophy,  or  to  blow 
brain-bubbles  and  weave  theorems.  He  must  plod 
along  the  rough  highways  of  time  and  development, 
and  out  of  many  entanglements  bring  the  vital  facts 
of  history.  And  therein  lies  the  richest  reward. 
"Shakspere's  capital  discovery  was  this,"  says  Ed 
ward  Dowden,  "that  the  facts  of  the  world  are  worthy 
to  command  our  highest  ardour,  our  most  resolute 
action,  our  most  solemn  awe;  and  that  the  more  we 
penetrate  into  fact,  the  more  will  our  nature  be  quick 
ened,  enriched,  and  exalted." 

That  the  success  of  this  work  should  be  propor 
tionate  to  the  labor  bestowed  upon  it  is  scarcely  to 
be  expected ;  but  I  do  believe  that  in  due  time  it  will 
be  generally  recognized  as  a  work  worth  doing,  and 
let  me  dare  to  hope  fairly  well  done.  If  I  read  life's 
lesson  aright,  truth  alone  is  omnipotent  and  immortal. 
Therefore,  of  all  I  wrongfully  offend,  I  crave  before 
hand  pardon ;  from  those  I  rightfully  offend,  I  ask  no 
mercy;  their  censure  is  dearer  to  me  than  would  be 
their  praise. 


While  on  the  subject  of  history-writing,  and  Mr 
Bancroft's  conception  of  it,  see  what  he  says  in  a 
note  at  the  end  of  Chapter  IV.,  Volume  I.,  History  of 
Central  America.  The  note  is  a  criticism  on  the 
writings  of  Washington  Irving,  with  incidental  ref 
erence  to  Prescott,  and  to  their  treatment  of  the 
characters  of  Columbus,  Ferdinand,  and  Isabella. 
It  says :  — 

The  highest  delight  of  a  healthy  mind,  of  a  mind  not  diseased  either  by 
education  or  affection,  is  in  receiving  the  truth.  The  greatest  charm  in  ex 
pression,  to  a  writer  who  may  properly  be  placed  in  the  category  of  healthful, 
Is  in  telling  the  truth.  It  is  only  when  truth  is  dearer  to  us  than  tradition,  or 


18  !',  AXCROFT'S  WORK-. 

Proud  as  I  am  of  the  names  of  Prescott  and  Irving,  at  whose  shrines  none 
worship  with  profounder  admiration  than  myself;  thankless  as  may  be  the 
task  of  criticising  their  classic  pages,  whose  very  defects  shine  with  a  steadier 
lustre  than  I  dare  hope  for  my  brightest  consummations;  still,  forced  by  my 
subject,  in  some  instances,  into  fields  partially  traversed  by  them,  lean  neither 
pass  them  by  nor  wholly  praise  them.  In  justice  to  my  theme,  in  justice  to 
myself,  in  justice  to  the  age  in  which  I  livo,  I  must  speak,  and  that  according 
to  the  light  and  the  perceptions  given  me. 

Mr  Irving's  estimate  of  the  value  of  honesty  and  integrity  in  a  historian 
may  be  gathered  from  his  own  pages.  ' '  There  is  a  certain  meddlesome  spirit, " 
he  writes,  "which,  in  the  garb  of  learned  research,  goes  prying  about  the 
traces  of  history,  casting  down  its  monuments,  and  marring  and  mutilating 
its  fairest  trophies.  Care  should  be  taken  to  vindicate  great  names  from  such 
.  pernicious  erudition.  It  defeats  one  of  the  most  salutary  purposes  of  history, 
that  of  furnishing  examples  of  what  human  genius  and  laudable  enterprise 
may  accomplish. "  Now,  if  conscientious  inquiry  into  facts  signifies  a  meddle 
some  spirit;  if  the  plain  presentment  of  facts  may  rightly  be  called  perni 
cious  erudition;  if  the  overthrow  of  fascinating  falsehood  is  mutilating  the 
trophies  of  history;  if  fashioning  golden  calves  for  the  worship  of  the  simple 
be  the  most  salutary  purpose  of  history;  then  I,  for  one,  prefer  the  meddle 
some  spirit  and  the  pernicious  erudition  which  mutilates  such  monuments  to 
the  fairest  trophies  of  historical  deception.  Again: — "Herrera  has  been  ac 
cused  also  of  flattering  his  nation;  exalting  the  deeds  of  his  countrymen,  and 
softening  and  concealing  their  excesses.  There  is  nothing  very  serious  in  this 
accusation.  To  illustrate  the  glory  of  his  nation  is  one  of  the  noblest  offices 
of  the  historian;  and  it  is  difficult  to  speak  too  highly  of  the  extraordinary 
enterprises  and  splendid  actions  of  the  Spaniards  in  those  days.  In  softening 
their  excesses  he  fell  into  an  amiable  and  pardonable  error,  if  it  were  indred 
an  error  for  a  Spanish  writer  to  endeavor  to  sink  them  in  oblivion."  When 
a  writer  openly  avows  his  allegiance  to  falsehood,  to  amiable  falsehood,  to 
falsehood  perpetrated  to  deceive  in  regard  to  one's  own  country,  about  which 
one  professes  to  know  more  than  a  stranger,  nothing  remains  to  be  said. 
Nothing  remains  to  be  said  as  to  the  veracity  of  that  author,  but  much 
remains  to  be  said  concerning  the  erroneous  impressions  left  by  him  of  the 
persons  and  events  coming  in  the  way  of  this  work. 

With  what  exquisite  grace,  with  what  tender  solicitude  and  motherly  blind 
ness  to  faults  Mr  Irving  defends  the  reputation  of  Columbus !  Is  the  Genoese 
a  pirate,  then  is  piracy  "almost  legalized;"  is  he  a  slave-maker,  "the  customs 
of  the  times"  are  pleaded;  without  censure  he  lives  at  Cordova  in  open  adul 
tery  with  Beatriz  Enriquez,  and  there  becomes  the  father  of  the  illegitimate 
Fernando;  a  bungling  attempt  is  made  to  excuse  the  hero  for  depriving  the 
poor  sailor  of  the  prize  offered  him  who  should  first  see  land;  Oviedo  is  charged 
with  falsehood  because  he  sometimes  decides  against  the  discoverer  in  issues 
of  policy  and  character;  Father  Buil  was  "as  turbulent  as  he  was  crafty"  be 
cause  he  disagreed  with  the  admiral  in  some  of  his  measures;  the  most  extrav 
agant  vituperation  is  hurled  at  Aguado  because  he  is  chosen  to  examine  and 
report  on  the  affairs  of  the  Indies;  Fonseca  is  denounced  as  inexpressibly  vile 
because  he  thwarts  some  of  the  discoverer's  hare-brained  projects;  and  so  with 


HISTORY  OF  THE  PACIFIC  STATES.  19 

regard  to  those  who  in  any  wise  opposed  him,  while  all  who  smiled  on  him 
were  angels  of  light.  All  through  his  later  life  when  extravagant  requests 
were  met  by  more  than  the  usual  liberality  of  royalty,  Irving  is  petulantly 
complaining  because  more  is  not  done  for  his  hero,  and  because  his  petulant 
hero  complains.  And  this  puerile  pride  from  which  springs  such  petulance 
the  eloquent  biographer  coins  into  the  noble  ambition  of  conscious  merit. 
Though  according  to  his  own  statement  the  madness  of  the  man  increased 
until  toward  the  latter  end  he  was  little  better  than  imbecile,  yet  we  are  at 
the  same  time  gravely  assured  that  "his  temper  was  naturally  irritable,  but 
he  subdued  it  by  the  magnanimity  of  his  spirit."  The  son  Fernando  denies 
that  his  father  once  carded  wool;  Irving  does  not  attempt  to  excuse  this  blem 
ish  because  his  readers  do  not  regard  work  as  ignoble. 

Now  it  is  not  the  toning-down  of  defects  in  a  good  man's  character  that  I 
object  to  so  much  as  the  predetermined  exaltation  of  one  historical  personage 
at  the  expense  of  others  utterly  debased  under  like  premeditation.  Did  Mr 
Irving,  and  the  several  scores  of  biographers  preceding  and  following  him, 
parade  the  good  qualities  of  Bobadilla,  Roldan,  and  Ovando  as  heartily  as 
those  of  their  hero,  the  world  would  be  puzzled  what  to  make  of  it.  We  are 
not  accustomed  to  such  statements.  Unseasoned  biography  is  tasteless,  and 
we  are  taught  not  to  expect  truth,  but  a  model.  We  should  not  know  what 
these  writers  were  trying  to  do  if  they  catalogued  the  misdemeanors  of 
Columbus  and  his  brothers  with  the  same  embellishments  applied  to  Aguado, 
Buil,  and  Fonseca;  telling  with  pathetic  exaggeration  how  the  benign  admiral 
of  the  ocean  sea  was  the  first  to  employ  bloodhounds  against  the  naked  na 
tives;  how  he  practised  varied  cruelties  in  Espanola  beyond  expression  bar 
barous;  and  how  he  stooped  upon  occasion  not  only  to  vulgar  trickery,  but  to 
base  treachery. 

On  the  other  hand,  with  those  who  seek  notoriety  by  attempting  to  degrade 
the  fair  fame  of  noble  and  successful  genius  because  more  credit  may  have  been 
given  by  some  than  is  justly  due,  or  by  affecting  to  disbelieve  whole  narra 
tives  and  whole  histories  because  portions  of  them  are  untrue  or  too  highly 
colored,  I  have  no  sympathy.  Books  have  been  written  to  prove,  what  no 
one  denies,  that  centuries  before  Columbus  other  Europeans  had  found  this 
continent,  and  that  thereby  the  honor  of  his  achievement  is  lessened — of 
which  sentiment  I  fail  to  see  the  force.  So  far  as  the  Genoese,  his  works, 
and  merits  are  concerned,  it  makes  no  whit  of  difference  were  America  twenty 
times  before  discovered,  as  elsewhere  in  this  volume  has  been  fully  shown. 

Prescott  was  a  more  exact  writer  than  Irving,  though  Prescott  was  not 
wholly  above  the  amiable  weakness  of  his  time.  In  the  main  he  stated  the 
truth,  and  stated  it  fairly,  though  he  did  not  always  tell  the  whole  truth. 
The  faults  of  his  heroes  he  would  speak,  though  never  so  softly;  he  seldom 
attempted  entirely  to  conceal  them.  He  might  exaggerate,  but  he  neither 
habitually  practised  nor  openly  defended  mendacity.  Prescott  would  fain 
please  the  Catholics,  if  it  did  not  cost  too  much.  Irving  would  please  every 
body,  particularly  Americans;  but  most  of  all  he  would  make  a  pleasing  tale; 
if  truthful,  well;  if  not,  it  must  on  no  account  run  counter  to  popular  preju 
dice.  The  inimitable  charm  about  them  both  amply  atones  in  the  minds  of 
many  for  any  imperfections.  Since  their  day  much  new  light  has  been  thrown 


_>0  BANCROFT'S  W01 !  K  3. 

upon  the  subjects  treated  by  them,  but  not  enough  seriously  to  impair  the 
value  of  their  works.  In  their  estimates  of  the  characters  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  relatively  and  respectively,  these  brilliant  writers  are  not  alone. 
They  copied  those  who  wrote  before  them;  and  those  who  came  after  copied 
them.  It  has  been  the  fashion  these  many  years,  both  by  native  and  foreign 
historians,  to  curse  Ferdinand  and  to  bless  Isabella,  to  heap  all  the  odium  of 
the  nation  and  the  times  upon  the  man  and  exalt  the  woman  among  the  stars. 
This,  surely,  is  the  more  pleasant  and  chivalrous  method  of  disposing  of  the 
matter;  but  in  that  case  I  must  confess  myself  at  a  loss  what  to  do  with  the 
facts. 

None  but  the  simple  are  deceived  by  the  gentle  Irving  when  he  insinuates 
"she  is  even  somewhat  bigoted;"  by  which  expression  he  would  have  us  under 
stand  that  the  fascinating  queen  of  Castile  was  but  little  of  a  bigot.  Again: 
"  Ferdinand  was  a  religious  bigot;  and  the  devotion  of  Isabella  went  as  near 
to  bigotry  as  her  liberal  mind  and  magnanimous  spirit  would  permit" — that  is 
to  say,  as  the  plan  of  Mr  Irving's  story  would  permit.  Quite  as  well  as  any 
of  us  Irving  knew  that  Isabella  was  one  of  the  most  bigoted  women  of  her 
bigoted  age,  far  more  bigoted  than  Ferdinand,  who  dared  even  dispute  the 
pope  when  his  Holiness  interfered  too  far  in  attempting  to  thwart  his  ambi 
tious  plans.  She  was,  indeed,  so  deeply  dyed  a  bigot  as  -to  allow  her  ghostly 
confessor  to  overawe  her  finest  womanly  instincts,  her  commonly  strict  sense 
of  honor,  justice,  and  humanity,  and  cause  her  to  permit  in  "Spain  the  horrible 
Inquisition,  the  most  monstrous  mechanism  of  torture  ever  invented  in  aid  of 
the  most  monstrous  crime  ever  perpetrated  by  man  upon  his  fellows,  the  coercion 
and  suppression  of  opinion.  Fair  as  she  was  in  all  her  ways,  and  charming — 
fair  of  heart  and  mind  and  complexion,  with  regular  features,  light  chestnut 
hair,  mild  blue  eyes,  a  modest  and  gracious  demeanor — she  did  not  scruple,  for 
the  extermination  of  heresy,  to  apply  to  such  of  her  loving  subjects  as  dared 
think  for  themselves  the  thumb-screw,  the  ring-bolt  and  pulley,  the  rack,  the 
rolling-bench,  the  punch,  the  skewer,  the  pincers,  the  knotted  whip,  the  sharp- 
toothed  iron  collar,  chains,  balls,  and  manacles,  confiscation  of  property  and 
burning  at  the  stake;  and  all  under  false  accusations  and  distorted  evidence. 
She  did  not  hesitate  to  seize  and  put  to  death  hundreds  of  wealthy  men  like 
Pecho,  and  appropriate  to  her  own  use  their  money,  though  her  exquisite 
womanly  sensibilities  might  sometimes  prompt  her  to  fling  to  the  widows  and 
children  whom  she  had  turned  beggars  into  the  street  a  few  crumbs  of  their 
former  riches.  This  mother,  who  nursed  children  of  her  own  and  who  should 
not  have  been  wholly  ignorant  of  a  mother's  love,  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  cries 
of  Moorish  mothers  as  they  and  their  children  were  torn  asunder  and  sold  at 
the  slave  mart  in  Seville.  Thousands  of  innocent  men,  women,  and  children 
she  cruelly  imprisoned,  thousands  she  cast  into  the  fiery  furnace,  tens  of 
thousands  she  robbed  and  then  drove  into  exile;  but  it  was  chastely  done,  and 
by  a  most  sweet  and  beautiful  lady.  We  can  hardly  believe  it  true,  we  do 
not  like  to  believe  it  true,  that  when  old  Rabbi  Abarbanel  pleaded  before 
the  king  for  his  people,  "I  will  pay  for  their  ransom  six  hundred  thousand 
crowns  of  gold,"  Isabella's  soft,  musical  voice  was  heard  to  say,  "Do  not 
take  it,"  her  confessor  meanwhile  exclaiming  "What !  Judas-like,  sellJesus!" 
Besides,  thrice  six  hundred  thousand  crowns  might  be  secured  by  not  accept- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  PACIFIC  STATES.  21 

ing  the  ransom.  And  yet  this  was  the  bright  being,  and  such  her  acts  by 
Prescott's  own  statements,  cover  them  as  he  will  never  so  artfully,  whose 
practical  wisdom,  he  assures  us,  was  "  founded  on  the  purest  and  most  exalted 
principle,"  and  whose  "honest  soul  abhorred  anything  like  artifice."  Isabella 
was  unquestionably  a  woman  of  good  intentions;  but  with  such  substance  the 
soul-burner's  pit  is  paved. 

Prescott  throws  all  the  odium  of  the  Inquisition  on  Torquemada,  and  I 
concur.  The  monk's  mind  was  the  ashy,  unmelting  mould  in  which  the  wom 
an's  more  plastic  affections  were  cast.  But  then  he  should  be  accredited  with 
some  portion  of  the  virtues  that  adorned  the  character  of  Isabella,  for  he  was 
the  author  of  many  of  them.  To  be  just,  if  Isabella  is  accredited  with  her 
virtues,  she  must  be  charged  with  her  crimes.  And  if  the  queen  may  throw 
from  her  shoulders  upon  those  of  her  advisers  the  responsibility  of  iniquity 
permitted  under  her  rule,  why  not  King  Ferdinand,  who  likewise  had  men 
about  him  urging  him  to  this  policy  and  to  that  ?  True,  we  excuse  much  in 
woman  as  the  weaker,  and  very  justly  so,  which  we  condemn  in  the  man  of 
powerful  cunning.  But  Isabella  was  not  exactly  clay  in  the  hands  of  those 
about  her;  or  if  so,  then  praise  her  for  her  imbecility,  and  not  for  any 
virtue.  But  she  could  muster  will  and  spirit  enough  of  her  own  upon  occa 
sion — witness  her  threat  to  kill  Pedro  Giron  with  her  own  hand  rather  than 
marry  him,  and  the  policy  which  speaks  plainly  her  sagacity  and  state-craft  in 
the  selection  of  Ferdinand,  and  in  the  strict  terms  of  her  marriage  contract 
which  excluded  her  husband  from  any  sovereign  rights  in  Castile  or  Leon. 
Most  inconsistently,  indeed,  in  reviewing  the  administration  of  Isabella,  at 
the  end  of  three  volumes  of  unadulterated  adulation  Prescott  gives  his  heroine 
firmness  enough  in  all  her  ways;  independence  of  thought  and  action  suffi 
cient  to  circumscribe  the  pretensions  of  her  nobles;  and  she  "was  equally 
vigilant  in  resisting  ecclesiastical  encroachment;"  "she enforced  the  execution 
of  her  own  plans,  oftentimes  even  at  great  personal  hazard,  with  a  resolution 
surpassing  that  of  her  husband."  When,  however,  she  signed  the  edict  for 
the  expulsion  of  the  Jews,  the  excuse  was  that  "she  had  been  early  schooled 
to  distrust  her  own  reason."  But  why  multiply  quotations  ?  The  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella  of  Prescott  is  full  of  these  flat  contradictions. 

We  all  know  that  when  carried  away  by  feeling  women  are  more  cruel  than 
men;  so  Isabella  under  the  frenzy  of  her  fanaticism  was,  if  possible,  more  cruel 
than  Ferdinand,  whose  passions  were  ballasted  by  his  ambitions.  Her  feelings 
were  with  her  faith;  and  her  faith  was  with  such  foul  iniquity,  such  inhuman 
wrong  as  should  cause  her  euphemistic  apologists  to  blush  for  resorting  to  the 
same  species  of  subterfuge  that  makes  heroes  of  Jack  Sheppard  and  Dick  Turpin. 
Again,  murder  and  robbery  for  Christ's  sake  suits  the  devil  quite  as  well  as 
when  done  for  one's  own  sake.  And  here  on  earth,  to  plead  in  a  court  of 
justice  good  intentions  in  mitigation  of  evil  acts  nothing  extenuates  in  the 
eyes  of  any  righteous  judge.  Therefore  there  is  little  to  choose  between  those 
of  whom  it  may  be  said: — Here  is  a  man  who  perfidiously  robs,  tortures,  and 
murders  his  fellow-beings  by  the  hundred  thousand  in  order  to  glorify  himself, 
and  extend  and  establish  his  dominions;  and,  Here  is  a  woman  who  perfidiously 
robs,  tortures,  and  murders  her  fellow-beings  by  the  hundred  thousand  in 
order  to  glorify  herself,  her  priest,  her  religion,  and  extend  and  establish  the 


P>  AX  CROFT'S  WORKS. 

dominions  of  her  deity.  At  the  farthest,  and  in  the  minds  of  the  eloquent 
biographers  themselves,  the  relative  refinement  and  nobility  of  the  two  char 
acters  must  turn  wholly  upon  one's  conception  of  the  relative  refinement  and 
nobility  of  earthly  selfishness  and  heavenly  selfishness. 

What  can  we  say  then,  if  we  make  any  pretensions  to  fairness  in  por 
traying  historical  personages,  in  excuse  for  Isabella  that  cannot  as  rightfully 
be  said  in  excuse  for  Ferdinand  ?  For  even  he,  whom  sensational  biographers 
array  in  such  sooty  blackness  in  order  that  the  satin  robes  of  Isabella  may 
shine  with  whiter  lustre,  has  been  called  in  Spain  the  wise  and  prudent,  and 
in  Italy  the  pious.  Of  course  there  were  differences  in  their  dispositions  and 
their  ambitions,  but  not  such  wide  ones  as  we  have  been  told.  He  was  a 
man,  with  a  man's  nature,  cold,  coarse,  stern,  and  artful ;  she  a  woman,  with 
a  woman's  nature,  warm,  refined,  gentle,  and  artful.  He  was  foxlike,  she 
feline.  Opposing  craft  with  craft,  she  jealously 'guarded  what  she  deemed 
the  interests  of  her  subjects,  and  earnestly  sought  by  encouraging  literature 
and  art,  and  reforming  the  laws,  to  refine  and  elevate  her  realm.  He  did 
precisely  the  same.  In  all  the  iniquities  of  his  lovely  consort  Ferdinand  lent 
a  helping  hand ;  man  could  do  nothing  worse ;  and  all  the  world  agree  that 
Ferdinand  was  bad.  And  yet,  in  what  was  he  worse  than  she?  Both  were 
tools  of  the  times,  incisive  and  remorseless.  To  the  ecclesiastical  tyranny  of 
which  they  were  victims  they  added  civil  tyranny  which  they  imposed  upon 
their  subjects.  Ferdinand  was  the  greatest  of  Spain's  sovereigns,  far  greater 
than  Charles,  whose  fortune  it  was  to  reap  where  his  grandfather  had  planted. 
It  was  Ferdinand  who  consolidated  all  the  several  sovereignties  of  the  Penin 
sula,  save  Portugal,  into  one  political  body,  weighty  in  the  affairs  of  Europe. 
He  was  ambitious ;  and  to  accomplish  his  ends  scrupled  at  nothing.  There 
was  no  sin  he  dared  not  commit,  no  wrong  he  dared  not  inflict,  provided  the 
proximate  result  should  accord  with  his  desires.  He  was  less  bound  by 
superstition  than  the  average  of  the  age;  he  was  thoughtful,  powerful, 
princely.  Both  were  personages  magnificent,  glorious,  who  achieved  much 
good  and  much  evil,  the  evil  being  as  fully  chargeable  to  the  times,  which 
placed  princes  above  promises  and  religion,  above  integrity  and  humanity,  as 
to  any  special  depravity  innate  in  either  of  them.  And  what  was  the  im 
mediate  result  of  it;  and  what  the  more  distant  conclusion;  and  how  much 
after  all  were  Spaniards  indebted  to  these  rulers?  First  Spain  enwrapped  in 
surpassing  glories  !  Spain  the  mistress  of  the  world,  on  whose  dominions  the 
sun  refuses  to  go  down.  Fortunate  Ferdinand !  Thrice  amiable  and  virtuous 
Isabella!  And  next?  Do  we  not  see  that  these  brilliant  successes,  these 
gratified  covetings  are  themselves  the  seeds  of  Spain's  abasement?  Infinitely 
better  off  were  Spain  to-day,  I  will  not  say  had  she  not  driven  out  her  Moors 
and  Jews,  but  had  she  never  known  the  New  World.  How  much  soever  of 
honor  Isabella  may  have  brought  upon  herself  by  her  speculations  in  part 
nership  with  the  Genoese,  for  the  self-same  reason,  resulting  in  the  great 
blight  of  gold  and  general  effeminacy  that  followed,  Spam's  posterity  might 
reasonably  anathematize  her  memory  could  they  derive  any  comfort  there 
from. 

In  regard  to  that  much-lauded  act  of  Isabella's  in  lending  her  assistance 
to  Columbus  when  Ferdinand  would  not,  there  is  this  to  be  said.  First,  no 


HISTORY  OF  THE.  PACIFIC  STATES.  23 

special  praise  is  due  her  for  assisting  the  Genoese ;  and  secondly,  she  never 
assisted  him  in  the  manner  or  to  the  extent  represented.  Santangel  and  the 
Pinzons  were  the  real  supporters  of  that  first  voyage.  Isabella  did  not  pawn 
her  jewels;  she  did  not  sell  her  wardrobe,  or  empty  her  purse.  But  if  she 
had,  for  what  would  it  have  been?  It  makes  a  pleasing  story  for  children  to 
call  her  patronage  by  pretty  names,  to  say  that  it  was  out  of  pity  for  the  poor 
sailor,  that  it  was  an  act  of  personal  sacrifice  for  the  public  good,  that  it  was 
for  charity's  sake,  or  from  benevolence,  for  the  extension  of  knowledge  or  the 
vindication  of  some  great  principle — only  it  is  a  very  stupid  child  that  does  not 
know  better.  Clearly  enough  the  object  was  great  returns  from  a  small  ex 
penditure;  great  returns  in  gold,  lands,  honors,  and  prosely tings — a  species  of 
commercial  and  political  gambling  more  in  accordance  with  the  character  as 
commonly  sketched  of  the  "cold  and  crafty  Ferdinand,"  whose  measureless 
avarice  and  insatiable  greed  not  less  than  his  subtle  state-craft  and  kingly 
cunning  would  have  prompted  him  to  secure  so  great  a  prize  at  so  small  a 
cost,  than  with  the  character  of  an  unselfish,  heavenly-minded  woman.  And 
were  it  not  for  the  danger  of  being  regarded  by  the  tender-minded  as  ungal- 
lant,  I  might  allude  to  the  haggling  which  attended  the  bargain,  and  tell  how 
the  queen  at  first  refused  to  pay  the  sailor  his  price,  and  let  him  go,  then 
called  him  back  and  gave  him  what  he  first  had  asked,  more  like  a  Jew  than 
like  even  the  grasping  Ferdinand. 

In  conclusion,  I  feel  it  almost  unnecessary  to  say  that  Columbus,  Isabella, 
and  all  those  bright  examples  of  history  whose  conduct  and  influence  in  the 
main  were  on  the  side  of  humanity,  justice,  the  useful,  and  the  good,  have 
my  most  profound  admiration,  my  most  intelligent  respect.  All  their  faults 
I  freely  forgive,  and  praise  them  for  what  they  were,  as  among  the  noblest, 
the  best,  the  most  beneficial  to  their  race — though  not  always  so,  nor  always 
intending  it — of  any  who  have  come  and  gone  before  us.  And  I  can  hate 
Bobadilla,  Roldan,  and  others  of  their  sort,  all  historical  embodiments  of  injus 
tice,  egotism,  treachery,  and  beastly  cruelty,  with  a  godly  hatred;  but  I  hope 
never  to  be  so  blinded  by  the  brightness  of  my  subject  as  to  be  unable  to 
see  the  truth,  and  seeing  it,  fairly  to  report  it. 


In  addition  to  the  complete  information  contained 
in  the  Preface,  a  brief  glance  at  the  books  is  all  that 
is  required  to  give  a  very  fair  idea  of  the  work. 

VOLUME  I. 

This  is  Vol.  I.  of  both  the  History  of  the  Pacific 
States  and  the  History  of  Central  America.  It  opens 
with  a  picture  of  European  civilization  toward  the 
close  of  the  sixteenth  century,  Spanish  society  being 
more  fully  presented,  all  ending  in  a  comparison  of 
the  people  of  Europe  with  the  people  of  America. 


24  r.AXCiiorrs  WOB 

All  voyages  of  discovery  from  the  earliest  times  to 
the  year  1540  are  next  given  in  a  Summary  of  Mari 
time  Discovery.  In  the  87  pages  devoted  to  this 
subject  is  compressed  the  knowledge  found  nowhere 
else  in  less  than  87  volumes,  and  yet  the  subject  is 
made  so  clear,  and  the  matter  so  well  presented,  that 
the  reader  is  satisfied  with  what  he  has  learned  and 
is  ready  to  go  on  to  the  fuller  details  of  the  voyages 
of  the  Spaniards  to  America  in  the  succeeding  chap 
ters.  After  the  discoveries  of  Columbus  in  his  first 
three  voyages  are  given,  Kodrigo  de  Bastidas,  the 
first  Spaniard  to  touch  the  continent  of  North  America, 
is  followed  in  his  adventures  along  the  Darien  Isthmus 
and  at  Espafiola.  The  fourth  voyage  of  Columbus  is 
then  given,  and  the  character  of  the  man  delineated. 
A  chapter  on  the  Administration  of  the  Indies  de 
scribes  the  earliest  Spanish  society  and  government 
in  America.  After  this  are  given  the  mad  pranks  of 
those  two  fiery  cavaliers  Alonso  de  Ojeda  and  Diego 
de  Nicuesa  in  their  attempts  to  establish  settlements 
on  the  mainland  of  America.  The  adventures  of  Yasco 
Nunez  de  Balboa  are  related,  how  he  outwitted  the 
lawyer  Enciso  by  being  carried  on  board  the  vessel 
in  a  cask,  how  he  finally  beat  the  learned  man  with 
his  own  weapon,  and  finally  drove  him  from  his  gov 
ernment,  and  how  he  discovered  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
carried  ships  across  the  Isthmus  and  floated*  them  in 
the  bay  of  Panama,  and  was  at  last  infamously  de 
stroyed  by  old  man  Pedrarias.  Gil  Gonzalez  Davila 
also  carried  the  material  for  ships  across  the  Isthmus 
and  discovered  the  Pacific  Coast  northward  as  far  as 
Nicaragua.  After  a  time  he  met  bands  of  Spaniards 
coming  down  from  Mexico,  those  who  had  gone  with 
Cortes  to  conquer  Montezuma's  empire,  and  they  fell 
to  fighting  each  other.  In  this  way  is  given  the  con 
quest  of  Central  America  in  each  of  its  several  parts 
at  various  times.  The  Conquest  of  Peru  is  likewise 
briefly  but  graphically  given,  that  scheme  having 
originated  at  Panama". 


HISTORY  OF  THE  PACIFIC  STATES.  -25 

VOLUME  II. 

The  famous  and  infamous  doings  of  the  Buccaneers 
are  portrayed  in  this  volume,  together  with  the  full 
history  of  the  country  during  the  rule  of  the  viceroys, 
which  lasted  for  more  than  two  centuries. 

VOLUME  III. 

What  might  be  called  the  modern  history  of  Cen 
tral  America  is  presented  in  this  volume.  The  yoke  of 
Spain  thrown  off,  independent  states  were  formed,  and 
republican  governments  established.  Revolution  be 
came  chronic.  This  is  the  only  successful  attempt 
ever  made  toward  a  complete  history  of  Central 
America. 

VOLUME  IV. 

The  fourth  volume  of  the  History  of  the  Pacific 
States  is  Vol.  I.  History  of  Mexico.  Opening  with 
the  discoveries  of  Cordoba  and  Grijalva,  the  brilliant 
conquest  by  Cortes  is  displayed,  which  fills  half 
the  volume.  Prescott  devoted  three  volumes  to  this 
short  epoch,  and  to  a  description  of  the  aborigines, 
which  latter  is  much  more  fully  and  thoroughly  given 
in  the  Native  Races.  After  the  fall  of  Montezuma, 
conquest  is  followed  into  the  regions  on  every  side; 
also  the  establishing  of  missions,  and  the  organization 
of  governments. 


And  so  on  through  the  successive  volumes  the 
history  of  the  country  is  told  clearly,  concisely,  yet 
fully  and  truthfully. 

"  The  enterprise  is  startling  in  its  magnitude,"  writes 
the  editor  of  an  eastern  journal,  "  greater  by  far  than 
any  man  has  ever  undertaken  before  in  the  nature  of 
historical  research;  impossible  of  accomplishment,  at 
first  thought;  but  our  faith  grows  as  we  see  what  has 
been  done  and  how  it  is  being  done.  For  many  years 
Mr  Bancroft  has  been  engaged  upon  this  work,  with 


26  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

an  average  force  of  ten  or  twelve  competent  assist 
ants,  besides  a  small  army  at  times  of  men  and  women 
and  boys  employed  to  copy,  to  sort  notes,  to  paste 
scraps,  to  arrange  newspapers,  or  in  some  other  purely 
mechanical  capacity.  The  methods  by  which  the  his 
torian  utilizes  the  services  of  his  corps  of  assistants 
are  too  complicated  to  be  fully  explained ;  but  the  aim 
is  to  find  and  extract  from  each  book,  manuscript,  or 
newspaper  every  item  of  information  that  it  contains 
respecting  each  particular  topic  to  be  treated;  and 
the  result  is  that  the  author  has  before  him  at  each 
successive  step  all  the  information  that  his  library 
contains.  Without  this  division  of  labor  in  prelim 
inary  research  Mr  Bancroft  could  not  obviously  look 
forward  to  anything  but  failure.  With  it,  and  with 
the  aid  of  several  competent  collaborators,  though  the 
work  advances  slowly,  he  confidently  expects  success. 
Already  there  is  manuscript  enough  practically  ready 
for  the  printer,  though  still  open  for  revision  and  for 
such  changes  as  the  discovery  of  new  evidence  may 
render  necessary,  to  nearly  complete  the  work,  the 
hardest  part  of  which  was  long  since  done.  So  much 
hitherto  accomplished  argues  well  for  what  the  future 
may  bring  forth." 

Little  remains  to  be  added  to  this  Prospectus  of 
the  History  of  the  Pacific  States  by  the  Publishers. 
Every  part  of  it,  every  state,  every  nation,  is  inde 
pendently  and  impartially  treated.  The  citizen  of 
California,  of  Oregon,  of  Mexico,  of  Central  America, 
of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  of  Utah  and  Nevada, 
of  British  Columbia,  and  of  Alaska  may  each  rest 
assured  that  the  section  in  which  he  is  specially  inter 
ested  has  been  as  thoroughly  studied,  and  its  incidents 
as  carefully  recorded  as  if  the  author  had  written 
nothing  else.  The  whole  work  has  been  several  times 
written,  and  several  times  revised  before  publication. 
Even  after  it  was  in  type,  every  statement  and  every 
reference  was  compared  with  the  original  authority, 
and  if  wrong,  corrected,  that  it  might  stand  as  abso- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  PACIFIC  STATES.  27 

lately  free  from  errors  as  is  possible  for  human  efforts 
to  be. 

It  is  claimed  by  the  Publishers  for  this  work : — 

First.  That  it  is  a  complete  history  of  the  western 
half  of  North  America,  including  all  of  Mexico  and 
Central  America,  an  area  equal  to  one  twelfth  part 
of  the  earth's  surface,  whereon  are  working  out  for 
themselves  problems  as  important  as  any  affecting  the 
human  race. 

Second.  That  it  is  condensed  into  the  smallest  pos 
sible  number  of  volumes  consistent  with  the  vast 
amount  of  information  given,  all  the  relevant  knowl 
edge  contained  in  twenty-five  thousand  volumes  being 
compressed*  into  twenty-eight  volumes. 

Third.  That  by  none  other  than  a  mind  drilled  at 
once  to  business  and  to  literature  could  this  work 
have  been  achieved.  It  demanded  the  unity  of  a  di 
versity  of  talents.  It  could  never  have  been  effected 
by  the  mere  order  of  any  government  or  society.  It 
required  ability  and  wealth,  an  enthusiastic  personal 
devotion,  and  a  lavish  expenditure  of  money.  It  re 
quired  competent  help  which  only  business  experience 
could  gain  and  properly  utilize. 

Fourth.  That  having  been  undertaken  at  a  period 
late  enough  for  the  country  to  have  a  history,  and 
not  so  late  but  that  the  fullest  knowledge  might  be 
obtained  from  its  beginning;  and  being  three  fourths 
of  it  matter  entirely  new,  which  does  not  exist  else 
where  in  the  English  language,  or  even  in  print;  and 
having  had  expended  upon  it  an  amount  of  time,  in 
telligent  labor,  and  money  unparalleled  in  the  annals 
of  literature,  it  will  forever  stand  as  the  most  thorough 
historical  work  hitherto  accomplished  for  any  nation 
or  section  of  the  globe. 

Fifth.  Therefore  the  history  of  the  world  must  be 
incomplete  without  the  knowledge  herein  contained; 
drawn  as  it  has  been,  not  only  from  all  printed  matter 
extant,  but  from  masses  of  unpublished  manuscripts; 
from  the  national,  ecclesiastical,  and  commercial  ar- 


28  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

chives  of  the  Pacific  and  of  the  Atlantic  states;  of 
Mexico,  Central  America,  and  Canada;  of  Spain, 
Italy,  France,  Germany,  and  Great  Britain;  and, 
most  important  of  all,  from  the  mouths  of  more  than 
one  thousand  personages  who  have  acted  their  parts 
in  creating  the  history  here  written. 


Gracta*  aJhos  -v 

po.ay.fii.      -N 


AND 

TIERRA.  FIRME 


I    GreeirwiclL   tt2 


HISTORY 


OP 


CENTRAL  AMERICA, 


CHAPTEK  I. 
INTRODUCTION. 

SPAIN  AND  CIVILIZATION  AT  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  SIX 
TEENTH  CENTURY. 

GENERAL  VIEW — TRANSITION  FROM  THE  OLD  TO  THE  NEW  CIVILIZATION — 
HISTORICAL  SKETCH  OF  SPAIN — SPANISH  CHARACTER — SPANISH  SOCI 
ETY — PROMINENT  FEATURES  OF  THE  AGE — DOMESTIC  MATTERS — THE 
NEW  WORLD  —  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS  —  EARLI 
EST  VOYAGES  OF  DISCOVERY. 

How  stood  this  ever  changing  world  four  hundred 
years  ago  ?  Already  Asia  was  prematurely  old.  Ships 
skirted  Africa;  but,  save  the  northern  seaboard,  to  all 
but  heaven  the  continent  was  as  dark  as  its  stolid  in 
habitants.  America  was  in  swaddlings,  knowing  not 
its  own  existence,  and  known  of  none.  Europe  was 
an  aged  youth,  bearing  the  world -disturbing  torch 
which  still  shed  a  dim,  fitful  light  and  malignant 
odor. 

Societies  were  held  together  by  loyalty  and  super 
stition;  kingcraft  and  priestcraft;  not  by  that  coop 
eration  which  springs  from  the  common  interests  of 
the  people.  Accursed  were  all  things  real;  divine 
the  unsubstantial  and  potential.  Beyond  the  stars 
were  laid  out  spiritual  cities,  each  religion  having 
its  own ;  under  foot  the  hollow  ground  was  ^dismal 

HIST.  CEN.  AM.,  VOL.  I.    1 


2  INTRODUCTION. 

with  the  groans  of  the  departed.  Regions  of  the  world 
outlying  the  known  were  tenanted  by  sea-monsters, 
dragons,  and  hobgoblins.  European  commerce  crept 
forth  from  walled  towns  and  battlemented  buildings, 
and,  peradventure  escaping  the  dangers  of  the  land, 
hugged  the  shore  in  open  boats,  resting  by  night  and 
trembling  amidships  by  day.  Learning  was  but 
illuminated  ignorance.  Feudalism  as  a  system  was 
dead,  but  its  evils  remained.  Innumerable  bur 
dens  were  heaped  upon  the  people  by  the  dominant 
classes,  who  gave  them  no  protection  in  return.  Upon 
the  most  frivolous  pretexts  the  fruits  of  their  industry 
were  seized,  and  such  as  escaped  seigneurial  rapacity 
were  appropriated  by  the  clergy.  It  was  a  praise 
worthy  performance  for  a  hundred  thousand  men  to 
meet  and  slay  each  other  in  battle  fought  to  vindicate 
a  church  dogma,  or  to  gratify  a  king's  concubine. 
Self-sacrifice  was  taught  as  a  paramount  duty  by 
thousands  whose  chief  desire  seemed  to  be  the  sac 
rifice  of  others.  Then  came  a  change.  And  by 
reason  of  their  revised  Ptolemies,  their  antipodal 
soundings  and  New  Geographies,  their  magnetic 
needles,  printing-machines,  and  man-killing  imple 
ments,  their  Reformations  and  revivals  of  learning, 
the  people  began  in  some  faint  degree  to  think  for 
themselves.  But  for  all  this,  divine  devilishness  was 
everywhere,  in  every  activity  and  accident.  God 
reigned  in  Europe,  more  especially  at  Rome  and 
Madrid,  but  all  the  world  else  was  Satan's,  and  de 
stroying  it  was  only  destroying  Satan. 

Under  the  shifting  sands  of  progress  truth  incu 
bates,  and  the  hatched  ideas  fashion  for  themselves 
a  great  mind  in  which  .they  may  find  lodgment; 
fashion  for  themselves  a  tongue  by  which  to  speak ; 
fashion  for  themselves  a  lever  by  which  to  move  the 
world. 

The  epoch  of  which  I  speak  rested  upon  the  con 
fines  of  two  civilizations,  the  Old  and  the  New.  It 


TRANSITIONAL  EPOCH.  3 

was  a  transition  period  from  the  dark  age  of  fanati 
cism  to  the  brightness  of  modern  thought;  from  an 
age  of  stolid  credulity  to  an  age  of  curiosity  and 
skepticism.  It  was  a  period  of  concretions  and  crys 
tallizations,  following  one  of  many  rarefactions ;  super 
stition  was  then  emerging  into  science,  astrology  into 
astronomy,  magic  into  physics,  alchemy  into  chemistry. 
Saltpetre  was  superseding  steel  in  warfare ;  feudalism, 
having  fulfilled  its  purpose,  was  being  displaced  by 
monarchical  power;  intercourse  was  springing  up 
between  nations  and  international  laws  were  being 
made.  Even  the  material  universe  and  the  realms 
of  space  were  enlarging  with  the  enlargement  of 
mind.  Two  worlds  were  about  that  time  unveiled  to 
Spain,  an  oriental  and  an  occidental;  by  the  capture 
of  Constantinople  ancient  Greek  and  Latin  learning 
was  emancipated,  and  religion  in  Europe  was  revo 
lutionized  ;  while  toward  the  west,  the  mists  of  the  ages 
lifted  from  the  ocean,  and,  as  if  emerging  from  primeval 
waters,  a  fair  new  continent,  ripe  for  a  thousand  in 
dustries,  stood  revealed. 

This  was  progress  indeed,  and  the  mind,  bursting 
its  mediaeval  fetters,  stood  forth  and  took  a  new 
survey.  With  the  dawn  of  the  sixteenth  century 
there  appeared  a  universal  awakening  throughout 
Christendom.  Slumbering  civilization,  roused  by  the 
heavy  tread  of  marching  events,  turned  from  dreamy 
incantations,  crawled  forth  from  monastic  cells  and 
royal  prison-houses  of  learning,  and  beheld  with 
wonder  and  delight  the  unfolding  of  these  new  mys 
teries.  The  dust  and  cobwebs  of  the  past,  sacred  to 
the  memory  of  patristic  theologies  and  philosophies 
which  had  so  long  dimmed  the  imagination,  were 
disturbed  by  an  aggressive  spirit  of  inquiry.  The 
report  of  exploding  fallacies  reverberated  throughout 
Europe;  and  as  the  smoke  cleared  away,  and  light 
broke  in  through  the  obscurity,  there  fell  as  it  were 
scales  from  the  eyes  of  the  learned,  and  man  gazed 
upon  his  fellow-man  with  new  and  strange  emotions. 


2  INTRODUCTION. 

with  the  groans  of  the  departed.  Regions  of  the  world 
outlying  the  known  were  tenanted  by  sea-monsters, 
dragons,  and  hobgoblins.  European  commerce  crept 
forth  from  walled  towns  and  battlemented  buildings, 
and,  peradventure  escaping  the  dangers  of  the  land, 
hugged  the  shore  in  open  boats,  resting  by  night  and 
trembling  amidships  by  day.  Learning  was  but 
illuminated  ignorance.  Feudalism  as  a  system  was 
dead,  but  its  evils  remained.  Innumerable  bur 
dens  were  heaped  upon  the  people  by  the  dominant 
classes,  who  gave  them  no  protection  in  return.  Upon 
the  most  frivolous  pretexts  the  fruits  of  their  industry 
were  seized,  and  such  as  escaped  seigneurial  rapacity 
were  appropriated  by  the  clergy.  It  was  a  praise 
worthy  performance  for  a  hundred  thousand  men  to 
meet  and  slay  each  other  in  battle  fought  to  vindicate 
a  church  dogma,  or  to  gratify  a  king's  concubine. 
Self-sacrifice  was  taught  as  a  paramount  duty  by 
thousands  whose  chief  desire  seemed  to  be  the  sac 
rifice  of  others.  Then  came  a  change.  And  by 
reason  of  their  revised  Ptolemies,  their  antipodal 
soundings  and  New  Geographies,  their  magnetic 
needles,  printing-machines,  and  man-killing  imple 
ments,  their  Reformations  and  revivals  of  learning, 
the  people  began  in  some  faint  degree  to  think  for 
themselves.  But  for  all  this,  divine  devilishness  was 
everywhere,  in  every  activity  and  accident.  God 
reigned  in  Europe,  more  especially  at  Rome  and 
Madrid,  but  all  the  world  else  was  Satan's,  and  de 
stroying  it  was  only  destroying  Satan. 

Under  the  shifting  sands  of  progress  truth  incu 
bates,  and  the  hatched  ideas  fashion  for  themselves 
a  great  mind  in  which  ,they  may  find  lodgment; 
fashion  for  themselves  a  tongue  by  which  to  speak ; 
fashion  for  themselves  a  lever  by  which  to  move  the 
world. 

The  epoch  of  which  I  speak  rested  upon  the  con 
fines  of  two  civilizations,  the  Old  and  the  New.  It 


TRANSITIONAL  EPOCH.  3 

was  a  transition  period  from  the  dark  age  of  fanati 
cism  to  the  brightness  of  modern  thought;  from  an 
age  of  stolid  credulity  to  an  age  of  curiosity  and 
skepticism.  It  was  a  period  of  concretions  and  crys 
tallizations,  following  one  of  many  rarefactions ;  super 
stition  was  then  emerging  into  science,  astrology  into 
astronomy,  magic  into  physics,  alchemy  into  chemistry. 
Saltpetre  was  superseding  steel  in  warfare ;  feudalism, 
having  fulfilled  its  purpose,  was  being  displaced  by 
monarchical  power;  intercourse  was  springing  up 
between  nations  and  international  laws  were  being 
made.  Even  the  material  universe  and  the  realms 
of  space  were  enlarging  with  the  enlargement  of 


mind.  Two  worlds  were  about  that  time  unveiled  to 
Spain,  an  oriental  and  an  occidental;  by  the  capture 
of  Constantinople  ancient  Greek  and  Latin  learning 
was  emancipated,  and  religion  in  Europe  was  revo 
lutionized;  while  toward  the  west,  the  mists  of  the  ages 
lifted  from  the  ocean,  and,  as  if  emerging  from  primeval 
waters,  a  fair  new  continent,  ripe  for  a  thousand  in 
dustries,  stood  revealed. 

This  was  progress  indeed,  and  the  mind,  bursting 
its  mediaeval  fetters,  stood  forth  and  took  a  new 
survey.  With  the  dawn  of  the  sixteenth  century 
there  appeared  a  universal  awakening  throughout 
Christendom.  Slumbering  civilization,  roused  by  the 
heavy  tread  of  marching  events,  turned  from  dreamy 
incantations,  crawled  forth  from  monastic  cells  and 
royal  prison-houses  of  learning,  and  beheld  with 
wonder  and  delight  the  unfolding  of  these  new  mys 
teries.  The  dust  and  cobwebs  of  the  past,  sacred  to 
the  memory  of  patristic  theologies  and  philosophies 
which  had  so  long  dimmed  the  imagination,  were 
disturbed  by  an  aggressive  spirit  of  inquiry.  The 
report  of  exploding  fallacies  reverberated  throughout 
Europe;  and  as  the  smoke  cleared  away,  and  light 
broke  in  through  the  obscurity,  there  fell  as  it  were 
scales  from  the  eyes  of  the  learned,  and  man  gazed 
upon  his  fellow-man  with  new  and  strange  emotions. 


4  INTRODUCTION. 

For  centuries  reason  and  religion  had  been  chained 
to  the  traditions  of  the  past;  thought  had  traveled 
as  in  a  tread-mill;  philosophy  had  advanced  with  the 
face  turned  backward;  knight-errantry  had  been  the 
highest  type  of  manhood,  and  Christianity  had  ab 
sorbed  all  the  vices  as  well  as  the  virtues  of  mankind. 
The  first  efforts  of  scholastics  in  their  exposition  of 
these  new  appearances,  was  to  square  the  accumu 
lative  information  of  the  day  with  the  subtleties  of 
the  schools  and  the  doctrines  and  dogmas  of  the  past. 
The  source  of  all  knowledge,  and  the  foundation  of 
all  science,  fixed  and  unalterable  as  the  eternal  hills, 
were  in  the  tenets  of  the  Church,  and  in  the  Holy 
Scriptures  as  interpreted  by  the  Fathers.  Any  con 
ception,  or  invention,  or  pretended  discovery  that 
might  pass  unscathed  this  furnace-fire  of  fanaticism 
was  truth,  though  right  and  reason  pronounced  it 
false.  Any  stray  fact  which  by  these  tests  failed  sat 
isfactorily  to  account  for  itself  was  false,  though  by  all 
the  powers  of  soul  and  sense  men  knew  it  to  be  true. 
All  the  infinite  unrest  of  progressional  humanity, 
the  deep  intuitive  longings  of  the  creature  in  its 
struggle  to  touch  the  hand  of  its  Creator,  went  for 
nothing  beside  the  frigid  lessons  taught  by  the  tradi 
tional  sanctity  of  an  Anastasius  or  a  Chrysostom. 

I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  all  darkness  and  nes 
cience  were  swept  away  in  a  breath,  or  that  knowl 
edge  fell  suddenly  on  mankind  like  an  inspiration;  it 
was  enough  for  some  few  to  learn  for  the  first  time 
of  such  a  thing  as  ignorance.  Although  the  change 
was  real  and  decisive,  and  the  mind  in  its  attempt  to 
fathom  new  phenomena  was  effectually  lured  from 
the  mystic  pages  of  antiquity,  there  yet  remained 
enough  and  to  spare  of  bigotry  and  credulity. 
Searchers  after  the  truth  saw  yet  as  through  a  glass 
darkly;  the  clearer  vision  of  face  to  face  could  only 
be  attained  by  slow  degrees,  and  often  the  very 
attempt  to  scale  the  prison-house  walls  plunged  the 
aspirant  after  higher  culture  yet  deeper  into  the 


SPANISH  HISTORY.  5 

ditch;  but  that  there  were  any  searchings  at  all  was 
no  small  advance.  Shackles  were  stricken  off,  but 
the  untutored  intellect  as  yet  knew  not  the  use  of 
liberty;  a  new  light  was  flashed  in  upon  the  mental 
vision,  but  the  sudden  glare  was  for  the  moment 
bewildering,  and  not  until  centuries  after  was  the 
significance  of  this  transitional  epoch  fully  manifest. 
It  may  be  possible  to  exaggerate  the  importance  of 
this  awakening;  yet  how  exaggerate  the  value  to 
western  Europe  of  Greek  literature  and  the  revival 
of  classic  learning,  of  the  invention  of  printing,  or 
the  influence  for  good  or  evil  on  Spain  of  her  New 
World  discoveries  ? 

Our  history  dates  from  Spain,  at  the  time  when 
Castile  and  Aragon  were  the  dominant  power  of 
Europe.  Before  entering  upon  the  doings,  or  passing 
judgment  upon  the  character,  of  those  whose  fortunes 
it  is  the  purpose  of  this  work  to  follow  into  the 
forests  of  the  New  World,  let  us  glance  at  the  origin 
of  the  Spaniards,  examine  the  cradle  of  their  civiliza 
tion,  and  see  out  of  what  conditions  a  people  so  unlike 
any  on  the  globe  to-day  were  evolved. 

Far  back  as  tradition  and  theory  can  reach,  the 
Iberians,  possibly  of  Turanian  stock,  followed  their 
rude  vocations,  hunting,  fishing,  fighting;  guarded  on 
one  side  by  the  Pyrenees,  and  on  the  others  by  the 
sea.  Next,  in  an  epoch  to  whose  date  no  approxima 
tion  is  now  possible,  the  Celts  came  down  on  Spain, 
the  first  wave  of  that  Aryan  sea  destined  to  submerge 
all  Europe.  Under  the  Celtiberians,  the  fierce  and 
powerful  compound  race  now  formed  by  the  union  of 
Iberian  and  Celt,  broken  indeed  into  various  tribes 
but  with  analogous  customs  and  tongues,  Spain  first 
became  known  to  the  civilized  world.  Then  came 
the  commercial  and  colonizing  Phoenician  and  planted 
a  settlement  at  Cadiz.  After  them  the  Carthaginians 
landed  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Peninsula  and 
founded  Carthago  Nova,  now  Cartagena.  The  power 


G  INTRODUCTION. 

of  the  Carthaginians  in  Spain  was  broken  by  the 
Seipios,  in  the  second  Punic  war,  toward  the  close 
of  the  third  century  B.  c.;  and  yet,  says  Ticknor, 
"they  have  left  in  the  population  and  language  of 
Spain,  traces  which  have  never  been  wholly  oblit 
erated." 

The  Romans,  after  driving  out  the  Carthaginians,  at 
tacked  the  interior  Celtiberians,  who  fought  them  hard 
and  long;  but  the.  latter  being  finally  subjugated,  all 
Hispania,  save  perhaps  the  rugged  north-west,  was  di 
vided  into  Roman  provinces,  and  in  them  the  language 
and  institutions  of  Rome  were  established.  Forced 
from  their  hereditary  feuds  by  the  iron  hand  of  their 
conquerors,  the  Celtiberians  rapidly  increased  in  wealth 
and  numbers,  and  of  their  prosperity  the  Empire  was 
not  slow  to  make  avail.  From  the  fertile  fields  of 
Spain  flowed  vast  quantities  of  cerealia  into  the  gran 
ary  of  Rome.  The  gold  and  silver  of  their  metal- 
veined  sierras  the  enslaved  Spaniards  were  forced  to 
produce,  as  they  in  succeeding  ages  wrung  from  the 
natives  of  the  New  World  the  same  unjust  service. 
The  introduction  of  Christianity,  about  the  middle  of 
the  third  century,  brought  upon  the  adherents  of  this 
religion  the  most  cruel  persecutions;  even  as  the 
Christians  in  their  turn  persecuted  others  as  soon  as 
they  possessed  the  power.  Some  say,  indeed,  that 
Saint  Paul  preached  at  Saragossa,  and  planted  a 
church  there;  however  this  may  be,  it  was  not  until 
the  conversion  of  Constantino  that  Christianity  be 
came  the  dominant  religion  of  the  Peninsula. 

The  fifth  century  opens  with  the  dissolution  of  tho 
empire  of  the  Romans,  for  the  barbarians  are  upon 
them.  Over  the  Pyrenees,  in  awful  deluge,  sweep 
Suevi,  Alani,  Vandals,  and  Silingi.  The  Suevi, 
in  A.  D.  409,  take  possession  of  the  north-west, 
now  Galicia;  the  Alani  seize  Lusitania,  to-day 
Portugal;  and  the  Vandals  and  Silingi  settle 
Vandalusia,  or  Andalusia,  the  latter  tribe  occu 
pying  Seville.  Blighted  by  this  barbaric  whirlwind, 


68  EARLY  VOYAGES. 

waste  and  building  up,  building  up  by  laying  waste, 
civilizing  as  well  by  war  and  avarice  as  by  good- will 
and  sweet  charity,  civilizing  as  surely,  if  not  as  rap 
idly,  with  the  world  of  humanity  struggling  against 
it,  as  with  the  same  human  world  laboring  for  it. 

Slowly  rattles  along  the  dim  present,  well-nigh 
drowned  in  its  own  dust;  it  is  only  the  past  that  is 
well-defined  and  clear  to  history. 


SUMMARY   OF   GEOGRAPHICAL   KNOWLEDGE   AND   DISCOVERY    FROM    THE 
EARLIEST  RECORDS  TO  THE  YEAR  1540. 

Before  entering  upon  the  narration  of  events  composing  this  history,  it 
seems  to  me  important,  in  order  as  well  properly  to  appreciate  the  foregoing 
Introduction  as  to  gain  from  succeeding  •  chapters  something  more  than 
gratified  curiosity,  that  an  exposition  of  Early  Voyages  should  be  given, — 
acting  powerfully  as  they  did  on  evolving  thought  and  material  develop 
ment,  giving  breadth  and  vigor  to  intellect,  enthusiasm  to  enterprise,  and  in 
elevating  and  stimulating  that  commercial  spirit  which  was  eventually  to 
depose  kings,  exalt  the  people,  strip  from  science  its  superstitions,  from  re 
ligion  its  cabalistic  forms,  and  by  its  associations,  its  negotiations,  its  adven 
turous  daring,  its  wars,  its  alliances,  and  its  humanizing  polities,  to  break 
the  barriers  of  ancient  enmity  and  bring  together  in  common  brotherhood 
all  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

Therefore,  I  now  propose  to  give  a  chronological  statement  of  every  au 
thentic  voyage  of  discovery  made  beyond  the  Mediterranean  prior  to  1540, 
while  doubtful  and  disputed  voyages  will  be  discussed  according  to  their 
relative  importance.  I  shall  notice,  moreover,  such  books  and  charts  re 
lating  to  America  as  ,/ere  produced  during  this  period,  with  f  ac-similes  of  the 
more  important  maps,  to  illustrate,  at  different  dates,  the  progress  of  discovery. 
It  is  my  purpose,  so  far  as  possible,  in  the  very  limited  space  allowed,  to  state 
fairly  the  conclusions  of  the  best  writers  on  every  important  point. 

One  word  as  to  the  authorities  consulted  in  the  preparation  of  this  Sum 
mary.  Of  books  relating  to  America,  published  prior  to  1540,  there  are 
in  all  about  sixty-five;  only  twenty-five,  however,  contain  original  informa 
tion;  twenty-three  are  general  cosmographical  works  with  brief  sections  on 
America  compiled  from  the  original  twenty-five;  while  seventeen  merely 
mention  the  New  World  or  its  discoveries,  and  are  therefore  of  no  value  in 
this  connection.  Of  the  forty-eight  containing  matter  more  or  less  impor 
tant,  there  are  over  two  hundred  editions,  the  earliest  of  which  only,  in  most 
instances,  will  be  mentioned,  and  that  without  extensive  bibliographical 
notes.  These  books  and  charts  I  notice  in  chronological  order  under  dates 
of  their  successive  appearance. 

The  subject  of  Early  Voyages  has  been  so  frequently  and  so  thoroughly 
discussed  by  able  modern  writers  that  it  is  unnecessary,  and  indeed  im- 


82 


EARLY  VOYAGES. 


all  writings  of  the  time,  with  fable.  Dello  Scoprimento  deli'  Isola  Frislanda 
Eslanda,  en  Grovelanda,  et  Icaria,  in  Ramusio,  torn.  ii.  fol.  230-4;  Hakluyfs 
Voy.,  vol.  iii.  pp.  121-8;  Bos,  Leben  der  See-Helden,  pp.  523-7;  Cancettieri, 
Notizie  di  Colombo,  pp.  48-9;  Lelewel,  Geog.  du  moyen  dge,  torn.  iii.  pp.  74  et  seq. 
Irving,  however,  Columbus,  vol.  iii.  pp.  435-40,  sees  in  this  voyage  only  an 
other  of  "the  fables  circulated  shortly  after  the  discovery  of  Columbus,  to 
arrogate  to  other  nations  and  individuals  the  credit  of  the  achievement," 
while  Zahrtmann,  Remarks  on  the  Voy.  to  the  Northern  Hemisphere,  ascribed 
to  the  Zeni  of  Venice,  in  Journal  of  the  Geog.  Soc.,  vol.  v.  pp.  102-28,  London, 
1835,  claims  that  the  whole  account  is  a  fable. 

The  chart  by  the  brothers  Zeni,  published  with  the  manuscript,  is  of 
great  importance  as  the  first  known  map  which  shows  any  part  of  America. 
It  contains  internal  evidences  of  its  own  authenticity,  one  of  which  is  that 
Greenland  is  much  better  drawn  than  could  have  been  done  from  other  or  ex 
traneous  sources  even  in  1558.  I  give  from  Kohl's  fac-simile  a  copy  of  the 
map,  omitting  a  few  of  the  names. 


ZENO'S  CHART,  DRAWN  ABOUT  1390. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  countries  marked  Estotiland,  Drogeo, 
and  Icaria — possibly  Nova  Scotia,  New  England,  and  Newfoundland — owe 
their  position  on  this  chart  to  the  actual  knowledge  of  America,  obtained 
either  by  a  fishing- vessel  wrecked  there,  as  stated  by  the  Zeni,  or  from  a 
tradition  preserved  since  the  time  of  the  Northmen.  The  lines  of  latitude 
and  longitude  were  not  on  the  original  manuscript  chart,  but  were  added  by 
the  editors  in  1558.  Lelewel,  Geog.  du  moyen  dge,  torn.  iii.  pp.  79-101, 
Bruxelles,  1852;  Kohl's  Hist.  Discov.,  pp.  97-106. 


FIRST  VOYAGE  OF  COLUMBUS. 


93 


What  Columbus  had  to  contend  with  at  this  juncture  was  not,  as  I 
have  said,  old  doctrines  oppugnant  to  any  new  conception,  but  the  igno 
rance  of  the  masses,  who  held  no  doctrine  beyond  that  of  proximate  sense, 
which  spread  out  the  earth's  surface,  so  far  as  their  dull  conceptions  could 
reach,  in  one  universal  flatness ;  and  the  knowledge  of  courts,  whence  alone 
the  great  discoverer  could  hope  for  support,  was  but  little  in  advance  of 
that  of  the  people.  Then  the  Church,  with  its  chronic  opposition  to  all 
progress,  was  against  him.  The  monks,  who  were  then  the  guardians  of 
learning,  knew,  or  might  have  known,  all  that  Prince  Henry,  Columbus, 
and  other  earnest  searchers  had  ascertained  regarding  the  geography  of 
the  earth;  but  what  were  science  and  facts  to  them  if  they  in  any  wise  conr 
flicted  with  the  preconceived  notions  of  the  Fathers,  or  with  Church  dogmas? 
"  II  est  vrai,"  says  Humboldt,  "que  les  scrupules  theologiques  de  Lactancc, 
de  St.  Chrysostome  et  de  quelques  autres  Peres  de  1'Eglise,  contribuerent  n 


MAI 


IKHAIM'S  GLOBE,  1492. 


pousser  1'esprit  humain  dans  un  mouvement  retrograde."  And  again,  the 
African  expeditions  of  the  Portuguese  had  not  on  the  whole  been  profitable 
or  encouraging  to  other  similar  undertakings,  and  the  financial  condition  of 
most  European  courts  was  not  such  as  to  warrant  new  expenses.  Portugal, 
more  advanced  and  in  better  condition  to  embark  in  new  enterprises  than 
any  other  nation,  now  regarded  the  opening  of  her  route  to  India  via  the  Cape 
of  Good  Hope  an  accomplished  fact,  and  therefore  looked  coldly  on  any  new 
venture.  Nor  were  the  extravagant  demands  of  Columbus  with  respect  to 
titles  and  authority  over  the  ne-w-  regions  of  Asia  which  he  hoped  to  find, 
likely  to  inspire  monarchs,  jealous  of  their  dignities,  with  favor  toward  a 
penniless,  untitled  adventurer.  Passing  as  well  the  successive  disappoint 
ments  of  Qolumbus  in  his  weary  efforts  to  obtain  the  assistance  necessary  to 
the  accomplishment  of  his  project,  as  his  final  success  with  Queen  Isabella  of 
Castile,  let  us  resume  our  chronological  summary. 


14(3 


EARLY  VOYAGES. 


DIEGO  RIBKRO'S  MAP,  1529. 


PETER  MARTYR,  PTOLEMY,  AXI>   MUXSTER.  117 

M>  xico,  the  conquest  of  the  region  lying  to  the  north-west  of  that  city. 
The  northern  limit  of  his  conquest  in  1530-1  was  Culiacan,  between  which 
and  Mexico  the  whole  country  was  brought  under  Spanish  control  by  expe 
ditions  sent  by  Guzman  in  all  directions  under  different  leaders.  7,'<  lotion  dl 
S  nino  di  Gvsman,  in  Ramu»io,  torn.  iii.  fol.  331,  and  abridged  in  Purc/ias, 
Hi*  PUyrimes,  vol.  iv.  p.  1556;  Jornada  que  hizo  ftuilo  de  Guzman  d  la  A 
Galicia,  in  Icazbaheta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn,  ii.;  Primera  relation,  p.  288;  T>  r- 
cera  relation,  p.  439;  Guarta  relation,  p.  461;  Doc.  para  Hist:  de  Mex.,  serie 
iii.  p.  669;  Mota  Padilla,  Conquista  de  Nueva  Galicia,  MS.  of  1742;  Or 
Hat.  Gen.,  torn.  iii.  pp.  559-77;  Gil,  Memoria,  in  Boletln  de  la  Soc.  Mt.>: 
Geog.,  torn.  viii.  p.  424  et  seq. 

Hakluyt,  in  his  Voyage*,  vol.  iii.  p.  700,  states  that  one  William  Hawkins, 
of  Plymouth,  made  voyages,  in  a  ship  fitted  out  at  his  own  expense,  to  the 
coast  of  Brazil  in  1530  and  1532,  bringing  back  an  Indian  king  as  a  curiosity. 

Peter  Martyr,  De  Orle  novo,  Copluti,  1530,  is  the  first  complete  edition  of 
eight  decades;  and  Opus  Epistolarum,  of  the  same  date  and  place,  is  a  col 
lection  of  over  eight  hundred  letters  written  between  1488  and  1525,  many  of 
them  relating  more  or  less  to  American  affairs. 

In  the  Ptolemy  of  1530,  in  several  subsequent  editions,  and  in  M>n<.--f </•'.•* 
Cosmography  of  1572  et  seq. ,  is  the  map  of  which  the  following  is  a  reduction. 


tJnsula  at/an/tca  truant  isocanl 

&  ^f 
Caliaaro. 


THE  NEW  WORLD,  FROM  PTOLEMY,  1530. 

I  give  this  drawing,  circulated  for  many  years  in  standard  works,  to  illus 
trate  how  extremely  slow  were  cosmographers  to  form  anything  like  a  correct 
idea  of  American  geography,  and  how  little  they  availed  themselves  of  the 
more  correct  knowledge  shown  on  official  charts.  The  following  map,  made 
in  1544,  illustrates  still  further  the  absurdities  <  iivnlatnl  for  many  years 


CHAPTER  II. 

COLUMBUS  AND  HIS  DISCOVERY. 
1492-1500. 

EARLY  EXPERIENCES  —  THE  COMPACT  —  EMBARKATION  AT  PALOS  —  THE 
VOYAGE — DISCOVERY  OF  LAND — UNFAVORABLE  COMPARISON  WITH  THE 
PARADISE  OF  MARCO  POLO — CRUISE  AMONG  THE  ISLANDS — ONE  NATURE 
EVERYWHERE:— DESERTION  OF  PlNZON — WRECK  OF  THE  SANTA  MARIA 
— THE  FORTRESS  OF  LA  NAVIDAD  ERECTED — EETURN  TO  SPAIN — RJGHTS 
OF  CIVILIZATION — THE  PAPAL  BULL  OF  PARTITION — FONSECA  APPOINTED 
SUPERINTENDENT  OF  THE  INDIES — SECOND  VOYAGE — NAVIDAD  IN  RUINS 
— ISABELA  ESTABLISHED  —  DISCONTENT  OF  THE  COLONISTS  —  EXPLORA 
TIONS  OF  THE  INTERIOR — COASTING  CUBA,  AND  DISCOVERY  OF  JAMAICA 
— FAILURE  OF  COLUMBUS  AS  GOVERNOR — INTERCOURSE  WITH  SPAIN — 
DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  INDIANS — GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  INDIES — DIEGO 
AND  BARTOLOME  COLON — CHARGES  AGAINST  THE  ADMIRAL — COMMISSION 
OF  INQUIRY  APPOINTED — SECOND  RETURN  TO  SPAIN — THIRD  VOYAGE — 
TRINIDAD  DISCOVERED  —  SANTO  DOMINGO  FOUNDED  —  THE  ROLDAN 
REBELLION  —  FRANCISCO  DE  BOBADILLA  APPOINTED  TO  SUPERSEDE 
COLUMBUS— ARBITRARY  AND  INIQUITOUS  CONDUCT  OF  BOBADILLA  — 
COLUMBUS  SENT  IN  CHAINS  TO  SPAIN. 

IN  the  developments  of  progress  the  agent, 
however  subordinate  to  the  event,  cannot  fail  to 
command  our  intelligent  curiosity.  The  fact  is  less 
one  with  us  than  the  factor.  The  instrument  is 
nearer  us  in  pulsating  humanity  than  the  event, 
which  is  the  result  of  inexorable  causations  wholly 
beyond  our  knowledge.  That  America  could  not 
have  remained  much  longer  hidden  from  the  civilized 
world  does  not  lessen  the  vivid  interest  which  at 
taches  to  the  man  Columbus,  as  he  plods  along  the 
dusty  highway  toward  Huelva,  leading  by  the  hand 
his  boy,  and  bearing  upon  his  shoulders  the  more 
immediate  destinies  of  nations. 

(155) 


156  COLUMBUS  AND  HIS  DISCOVERY. 

Nor  are  we  indifferent  to  the  agencies  that  evolved 
the  agent.  Every  signal  success  springs  from  a  for 
tuitous  conjunction  of  talent  and  opportunity;  from 
a  coalition  of  taste  or  training  with  the  approaching 
fancy  or  dominant  idea  of  the  times.  While  assist 
ing  his  father  wool-combing,  the  youthful  Genoese 
was  toughening  his  sinews  and  acquiring  habits  of 
industry;  while  studying  geometry  and  Latin  at 
Pavia,  while  serving  as  sailor  in  the  Mediterranean, 
or  cruising  the  high  seas  as  corsair,  he  was  knitting 
more  firmly  the  tissues  of  his  mind,  and  strengthen 
ing  his  courage  for  the  life-conflict  which  was  to 
follow.  Without  such  discipline,  in  vain  from  the 
north  and  south  and  west  might  Progress  come 
whispering  him  secrets;  for  inspiration  without  action 
is  but  impalpable  breath,  leaving  no  impression,  and 
genius  unseasoned  by  application  decomposes  to  cor 
ruption  all  the  more  rank  by  reason  of  its  richness. 

His  marriage  with  the  daughter  of  Bartolommeo 
Perestrello,  a  distinguished  navigator  under  Prince 
Henry;  his  map-making  as  means  of  support;  his 
residence  on  the  isle  of  Porto  Santo,  and  his  interest 
while  there  in  maritime  discovery;  his  conversations 
and  correspondence  with  navigators  and  cosmogra- 
phers  in  various  quarters;  his  zealous  study  of  the 
writings  of  Marco  Polo,  Benjamin  of  Tudela,  and 
Carpini,  and  his  eager  absorption  of  the  fantastic 
tale  of  Antonio  Leone,  of  Madeira;  his  ponderings 
on  ocean  mysteries,  and  his  struggles  with  poverty; 
his  audience  of  John  of  Portugal,  and  the  treachery 
of  that  monarch  in  attempting  to  anticipate  his  plans 
by  secretly  sending  out  a  vessel,  and  the  deserved 
defeat  which  followed;  his  sending  his  brother  Bar- 
tolome  with  proposals  to  England;  his  stealing  from 
Lisbon  with  his  son  Diego,  lest  he  should  be  arrested 
for  debt;  his  supposed  application  to  Genoa;  his 
interviews  with  the  dukes  of  Medina  Sidonia  and 
Medina  Celi,  and  the  letter  of  the  latter  to  Queen 
Isabella  of  Castile;  his  visit  to  the  court  at  C6rdova, 


TERMS  OF  AGREEMENT.  157 

and  the  dark  days  attending  it;  the  conference  of 
learned  men  at  Salamanca,  and  their  unfavorable 
verdict;  the  weary  waitings  on  the  preoccupied  sov 
ereigns  at  Malaga  and  Seville;  the  succor  given  at 
La  Rabida,  and  the  worthy  prior's  intercession  with 
the  queen;  the  humble  dignity  of  the  mariner  at 
Granada  amidst  scenes  of  oriental  splendor  and  gen 
eral  rejoicings,  which  only  intensified  his  discontent; 
the  lofty  constancy  in  his  demands  when  once  a  royal 
hearing  was  obtained;  the  fresh  disappointment  after 
such  long  delay,  and  the  proud  bitterness  of  spirit 
with  which  he  turned  his  back  on  Spain  to  seek  in 
France  a  patron  for  his  schemes;  the  final  appeal  of 
Santangel,  who  afterward  assisted  in  obtaining  the 
money,  and  the  conversion  of  Isabella,  who  now 
offered,  if  necessary,  to  pledge  her  jewels  to  meet  the 
charges  of  the  voyage;  the  despatching  of  a  royal 
courier  after  the  determined  fugitive,  who  returned 
in  joy  to  receive  the  tardy  aid — these  incidents  in 
the  career  of  Columbus  are  a  household  story. 

And  therein,  thus  far,  we  see  displayed  great  per 
sistency  of  purpose  by  one  possessed  of  a  conception 
so  stupendous  as  to  overwhelm  well-nigh  the  strong 
est;  by  one  not  over-scrupulous  in  money-matters, 
or  morality;  proud  and  sensitive  whenever  the  pet 
project  is  touched,  but  affable  enough  otherwise, 
and  not  above  begging  upon  necessity.  It  was  a 
long  time  to  wait,  eighteen  years,  when  every  day 
was  one  of  alternate  hope  and  despair;  and  they  were 
not  altogether  worthless,  those  noiseless  voices  from 
another  world,  which  kept  alive  in  him  the  inspira 
tion  that  oft-times  now  appeared  as  the  broken 
tracery  of  a  half-remembered  dream. 

An  agreement  was  made  by  the  sovereigns  and 
the  mariner,  that  to  Columbus,  his  heirs  and  succes 
sors  forever,  should  be  secured  the  office  of  admiral, 
and  the  titles  of  viceroy  and  governor-general  of  all 
the  lands  and  seas  he  should  discover,  with  power 
to  nominate  candidates  from  whom  the  sovereigns 


CHAPTER  III. 

DISCOVERY  OF  DARIEN. 

RODRIGO  DE  BASTIOAS  —  EXTENSION  OF  NEW  WORLD  PRIVILEGES  —  THE 
ROYAL  SHARE  —  JUAN  DE  LA  COSA  —  SHIPS  OF  THE  EARLY  DISCOV 
ERERS —  COASTING  DARIEN  —  THE  TERRIBLE  TEREDO — WRECKED  ON 
ESPA&OLA — SPANISH  MONEY — TREATMENT  OF  BASTIDAS  BY  OVANDO — 
ACCUSED,  AND  SENT  TO  SPAIN  FOR  TRIAL  —  HE  is  IMMEDIATELY 
ACQUITTED  —  FUTURE  CAREER  AND  CHARACTER  OF  BASTIDAS  —  THE 
ARCHIVES  OF  THE  INDIES — THE  SEVERAL  COLLECTIONS  OF  PUBLIC  DOCU 
MENTS  IN  SPAIN  —  THE  LABORS  OF  MUNOZ  AND  NAVARRETE —  BIBLIO 
GRAPHICAL  NOTICES  OF  THE  PRINTED  COLLECTIONS  OF  NAVARRETE, 
TERNAUX-COMPANS,  SALVA  AND  BARANDA,  AND  PACHECO  AND  CAR 
DENAS. 

THE  first  Spaniard  to  touch  the  territory  which 
for  the  purposes  of  my  work  I  have  taken  the  liberty 
to  denominate  the  Pacific  States  of  North  America 
was  Rodrigo  de  Bastidas,  a  notary  of  Triana,  the 
gypsy  suburb  of  Seville. 

Although  the  discoveries  of  Columbus  had  been 
made  for  Castile,  and  Castilians  regarded  their  rights 
to  the  new  lands  superior  to  those  of  any  others,  even 
other  inhabitants  of  Spain;  and  although  at  first 
none  might  visit  thex  New  World  save  those  author 
ized  by  Columbus  or  Fonseca;  yet,  owing  to  inade 
quate  returns  from  heavy  expenditures,  and  the 
inability  of  the  admiral  properly  to  control  coloniza 
tion  in  the  several  parts  of  the  ever-widening  area, 
at  the  solicitation  of  several  persons  desirous  of  en 
tering  the  new  field  of  commerce  and  adventure  at 
their  own  charge,  on  the  10th  of  April,  1495,  the 
sovereigns  issued  a  proclamation  granting  native- 
born  subjects  of  Spain  permission  to  settle  in  Hayti, 

(183) 


CHAPTEE  IV. 

COLUMBUS  ON  THE  COASTS  OF  HONDURAS,  NICARAGUA,  AND 

COSTA  RICA. 

1502-1506. 

THE  SOVEREIGNS  DECLINE  EITHER  TO  RESTORE  TO  THE  ADMIRAL  HIS  GOV 
ERNMENT,  OR  TO  CAPTURE  FOR  HIM  THE  HOLY  SEPULCHRE  —  So  EE 
SAILS  ON  A  FOURTH  VOYAGE  or  DISCOVERY  —  FERNANDO  COLON  AND 
HIS  HISTORY — OVANDO  DENIES  THE  EXPEDITION  ENTRANCE  TO  SANTO 
DOMINGO  HARBOR — COLUMBUS  SAILS  WESTWARD — STRIKES  THE  SHORE 
OF  HONDURAS  NEAR  GUANA JA  ISLAND  —  EARLY  AMERICAN  CARTOG 
RAPHY —  COLUMBUS  COASTS  SOUTHWARD  TO  THE  DARIEN  ISTHMUS — 
THEN  RETURNS  AND  ATTEMPTS  SETTLEMENT  AT  VERAGUA  —  DRIVEN 
THENCE,  HIS  VESSELS  ARE  WRECKED  AT  JAMAICA  —  THERE  MIDST 
STARVATION  AND  MUTINY  HE  REMAINS  A  YEAR  —  THEN  HE  REACHES 
ESPANOLA  AND  FINALLY  SPAIN,  WHERE  HE  SHORTLY  AFTERWARD  DlES — 
CHARACTER  OF  COLUMBUS — His  BIOGRAPHERS. 

SINCE  his  last  return  to  Spain,  Columbus  had  rested 
at  Granada  under  the  smiles  of  the  sovereigns,  who 
readily  promised  him  all  that  he  should  wish,  while 
resolved  to  grant  nothing  which  might  interfere  with 
their  absolute  domination  of  the  new  lands  that  he 
had  found  for  them.  When  tired  of  begging  the 
restoration  of  his  rights  he  urged  their  Majesties' 
assistance  in  seizing  the  holy  sepulchre,  that  his  vow 
might  be  fulfilled,  and  his  mind  at  rest.  After  pro 
found  study  and  elaborate  preparation  he  presented 
the  case  to  them  in  a  manuscript  volume  of  prophecies 
and  portents  interlarded  with  poetry.  Failing  in 
winning  them  to  this  scheme,  he  promised,  if  ships 
were  provided  him,  to  undertake  new  discoveries. 
Partly  because  they  would  know  more  of  their  New 
World  possessions,  and  .partly  to  rid  themselves  of 

(202) 


CHAPTER  V. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  THE  INDIES. 
1492-1526. 

COLUMBUS  THE  RIGHTFUL  RULER— JUAN  AGUADO — FRANCISCO  DE  BOBADILLA 
— NICOLAS  DE  OVANDO — SANTO  DOMINGO  THE  CAPITAL  OF  THE  INDIES — 
EXTENSION  OF  ORGANIZED  GOVERNMENT  TO  ADJACENT  ISLANDS  AND 
MAIN-LAND  —  RESIDENCIAS  —  GOLD  MINING  AT  ESPA>JOLA —  RACE  AND 
CASTE  IN  GOVERNMENT  —  INDIAN  AND  NEGRO  SLAVERY  —  CRUELTY  TO 
THE  NATIVES  —  SPANISH  SENTIMENTALISM  —  PACIFICATION,  NOT  CON 
QUEST—THE  SPANISH  MONARCHS  ALWAYS  THE  INDIAN'S  FRIENDS— BAD 
TREATMENT  DUE  TO  DISTANCE  AND  EVIL-MINDED  AGENTS — INFAMOUS 
DOINGS  OF  OVANDO  —  REPARTIMIENTOS  AND  ENCOMIENDAS — THE  SOV 
EREIGNS  INTEND  THEM  AS  PROTECTION  TO  THE  NATIVES  —  SETTLERS 
MAKE  THEM  THE  MEANS  OF  INDIAN  ENSLAVEMENT  —  LAS  CASAS 
APPEARS  AND  PROTESTS  AGAINST  INHUMANITIES  —  THE  DEFAULTING 
TREASURER — DIEGO  COLON  SUPERSEDES  OVANDO  AS  GOVERNOR — AND 
MAKES  MATTERS  WORSE  —  THE  JERONIMITE  FATHERS  SENT  OUT — 
AUDIENCIAS  —  A  SOVEREIGN  TRIBUNAL  is  ESTABLISHED  AT  SANTO  DO 
MINGO  WHICH  GRADUALLY  ASSUMES  ALL  THE  FUNCTIONS  OF  AN  AUDI- 
ENCIA,  AND  AS  SUCH  FINALLY  GOVERNS  THE  INDIES  —  LAS  CASAS  IN 
SPAIN — THE  CONSEJO  DE  INDIAS,  AND  CASA  DE  CONTRATACION — LEGIS 
LATION  FOR  THE  INDIES. 

WE  have  seen  how  it  had  been  first  of  all  agreed 
that  Columbus  should  be  sole  ruler,  under  the  crown, 
of  such  lands  and  seas  as  he  might  discover  for  Spain. 
We  have  seen  how,  under  that  rule,  disruption  and 
rebellion  followed  at  the  heels  of  mismanagement, 
until  the  restless  colonists  made  Espanola  an  august i- 
arum  insula  to  the  worthy  admiral,  and  until  their 
majesties  thought  they  saw  in  it  decent  excuse  for 
taking  the  reins  from  the  Genoese,  and  supplanting 
him  by  agents  of  their  own  choosing.  The  first  of 
these  agents  was  Juan  Aguado,  who  was  merely  a 

(247) 


CHAPTEE  VI. 

THE   GOVERNMENTS   OF   NUEVA  ANDALUCf A  AND  CASTILLA 

DEL  ORO. 

1506-1510. 

TlERRA  FlRME  THROWN  OPEN  TO  COLONIZATION  —  RlVAL  APPLICATIONS  — 
ALONSO  DE  OJEDA  APPOINTED  GOVERNOR  OF  NUEVA  ANDALUCIA,  AND 
DIEGO  DE  NICUESA  OF  CASTILLA  DEL  ORO  —  HOSTILE  ATTITUDES  OF 
THE  RIVALS  AT  SANTO  DOMINGO — OJEDA  EMBARKS  FOR  CARTAGENA — 
BUILDS  THE  FORTRESS  OF  SAN  SEBASTIAN  —  FAILURE  AND  DEATH  — 
NICUESA  SAILS  FOR  VERAGUA — PARTS  COMPANY  WITH  HIS  FLEET — His 
VESSEL  is  WRECKED — PASSES  VERAGUA — CONFINED  WITH  HIS  STARV 
ING  CREW  ON  AN  ISLAND — SUCCOR — FAILURE  AT  VERAGUA — ATTEMPTS 
SETTLEMENT  AT  NOMBRE  DE  DIGS — Loss  OF  SHIP  SENT  TO  ESPANOLA 
FOR  RELIEF — HORRIBLE  SUFFERINGS — BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTICES  OF 
LAS  CASAS,  OVIEDO,  PETER  MARTYR,  GOMARA,  AND  HERRERA — CHAR 
ACTER  OF'  THE  EARLY  CHRONICLERS  FOR  VERACITY. 

THE  voyages  of  Bastidas  and  Columbus  completed 
the  discovery  of  a  continuous  coast  line  from  the  gulf 
of  Paria  to  Cape  Honduras.  In  1506  Juan  Diaz  de 
Solis,  a  native  of  Lebrija,  and  Vicente  Yanez  Pinzon 
took  up  the  line  of  discovery  at  the  island  of  Guanaja, 
where  the  admiral  had  first  touched,  and  proceeding 
in  the  opposite  direction  sailed  along  the  coast  of  Hon 
duras  to  the  westward,  surveyed  the  gulf  of  Honduras 
and  discovered  Amatique  Bay,  but  passed  by  without 
perceiving  the  Golfo  Dulce  which  lies  hidden  from 
the  sea.  The  object  still  was  to  find  the  much-de 
sired  passage  by  water  to  the  westward.  Continuing 
northerly  along  Yucatan,  and  finding  the  coast  trend 
ing  east  rather  than  west,  they  abandoned  the  under 
taking  and  returned  to  Spain.  Meanwhile  Juan 
Ponce  de  Leon  was  enriching  himself  by  the  pacifi- 

VOL.  I.     19  (289) 


CHAPTER  VII. 

SETTLEMENT  OF  SANTA  MARIA  DE  LA  ANTIGUA  DEL  DARIEN. 

1510-1511. 

FRANCISCO  PIZARRO  ABANDONS  SAN  SEBASTIAN — MEETS  ENCISO  AT  CARTA 
GENA —  HE  AND  HIS  CREW  LOOK  LIKE  PIRATES — THEY  ARE  TAKEN 
BACK  TO  SAN  SEBASTIAN — VASCO  NUNEZ  DE  BALBOA — BOARDS  ENCISO 's 
SHIP  IN  A  CASK — ARRIVES  AT  SAN  SEBASTIAN — THE  SPANIARDS  CROSS 
TO  DARIEN — THE  RIVER  AND  THE  NAME  —  CEMACO,  CACIQUE  OF  DA 
RIEN,  DEFEATED  —  FOUNDING  OF  THE  METROPOLITAN  CITY  —  PRESTO, 
CHANGE  !  THE  HOMBRE  DEL  CASCO  UP,  THE  BACHILLER  DOWN— VASCO 
NUNEZ,  ALCALDE — NATURE  OF  THE  OFFICE  —  REGIDOR--COLMENARES, 
IN  SEARCH  OF  NICUESA,  ARRIVES  AT  ANTIGUA  —  HE  FINDS  HIM  IN  A 
PITIABLE  PLIGHT  —  ANTIGUA  MAKES  OVERTURES  TO  NICUESA  —  THEN 
REJECTS  HIM — AND  FINALLY  DRIVES  HIM  FORTH  TO  DIE — SAD  END 
OF  NICUESA. 

WHEN  Alonso  de  Ojeda  left  San  Sebastian  for 
Espanola,  he  stipulated  with  Francisco  Pizarro,  who 
for  the  time  was  commissioned  governor,  that  should 
neither  he  himself  return,  nor  the  bachiller  Enciso 
arrive  writhin  fifty  days,  the  colonists  might  abandon 
the  post  and  seek  safety  or  adventure  in  other  parts. 

And  now  the  fifty  days  had  passed;  wearily  and 
hungrily  they  had  come  and  gone,  with  misery  an 
ever  present  guest ;  and  no  one  having  come,  they  dis 
mantled  the  fortress,  placed  on  board  the  two  small 
brigantines  left  them  the  gold  they  had  secured— 
trust  Francisco  Pizarro  for  scenting  gold,  and  getting 
it — and  made  ready  to  embark  for  Santo  Domingo. 
But  though  only  seventy  remained,  the  vessels  could 
not  carry  them  all;  and  it  was  agreed  that  they  should 
wait  awhile,  until  death  reduced  their  number  to  the 
capacity  of  the  boats. 

VOL.  I.     21  (321) 


62  INTRODUCTION. 

senting  a  state  of  society  not  unlike  that  of  European 
feudalism.  From  this  point,  every  quality  and  grade 
of  government  presents  itself  until  full-blown  mon 
archy  is  attained,  where  a  sole  sovereign  becomes  an 
emperor  of  nations  with  a  state  and  severity  equal  to 
that  of  the  most  enlightened.  The  government  of  the 
Nahua  nations,  which  was  monarchical  and  nearly 
absolute,  denotes  no  small  progress  from  primordial 
patriarchy. 

Like  their  cousins  of  Spain  and  England,  the  sov 
ereigns  of  Mexico  had  their  elaborate  palaces,  with 
magnificent  surroundings,  their  country  residence  and 
their  hunting-grounds,  their  botanical  and  zoological 
gardens,  and  their  harems  filled  with  the  daughters 
of  nobles,  who  deemed  it  an  honor  to  see  them  thus 
royally  defiled.  There  were  aristocratic  and  knightly 
orders;  nobles,  plebeians,  and  slaves;  pontiffs  and 
priesthoods;  land  tenures  and  taxation;  seminaries 
of  learning,  and  systems  of  education,  in  which  vir 
tue  was  extolled  and  vice  denounced;  laws  and  law 
courts  of  various  grades,  and  councils  and  tribunals 
of  various  kinds;  military  orders  with  drill,  engineer 
corps,  arms,  and  fortifications;  commerce,  caravans, 
markets,  merchants,  pedlers,  and  commercial  fairs, 
with  a  credit  system,  and  express  and  postal  facil 
ities. 

They  were. not  lacking  in  pleasures  and  amusements 
similar  to  those  of  the  Europeans,  such  as  feasts  with 
professional  jester,  music,  dancing;  and  after  dinner 
the  drama,  national  games,  gymnastics,  and  gladiatorial 
combats.  They  were  not  without  their  intoxicating 
drink,  delighting  in  drunkenness  while  denouncing  it. 
Their  medical  faculty  and  systems  of  surgery  they 
had,  and  their  burial-men;  also  their  literati,  scholars, 
orators,  and  poets,  with  an  arithmetical  system,  a 
calendar,  a  knowledge  of  astronomy,  hieroglyphic 
books,  chronological  records,  public  libraries,  and  na 
tional  archives. 

The  horoscope  of  infants  was  cast;  the  cross  was 


AMERICAN  ABORIGINALS.  63 

lifted  up;  incense  was  burned;  baptism  and  circum 
cision  were  practised.  Whence  arose  these  customs 
so  like  those  of  their  fellow-men  across  the  Atlantic, 
whom  they  had  never  seen  or  heard  of? 

The  conquerors  found  all  this  when  they  entered 
the  country.  They  examined  with  admiration  the 
manufactures  of  gold,  silver,  copper,  tin,  and  lead, 
wrought  to  exquisite  patterns  with  surprising  skill. 
They  gazed  with  astonishment  on  huge  architectural 
piles,  on  monumental  remains  speaking  louder  than 
words;  on  temples,  causeways,  fountains,  aqueducts, 
and  light-houses,  surrounded  as  they  were  with  statues 
and  intricate  and  costly  stone  carvings.  They  found 
that  the  Americans  made  cloth,  paper,  pottery,  and 
dyes,  and  were  proficient  in  painting.  Their  mosaic 
feather- work  was  a  marvel. 

There  are  many  points  of  interest,  well  worth 
examination,  which  I  have  not  space  here  properly 
to  mention.  The  interested  reader,  however,  will  find 
all  material  necessary  to  careful  comparison  in  my 
Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States.  He  will  there 
find  described  conditions  of  society  analogous  to 
feudalism  and  chivalry;  he  will  find  municipal  gov 
ernments,  walled  towns,  and  standing  armies.  There 
were  legislative  assemblies  similar  to  that  of  the 
Cortes,  and  associations  not  unlike  that  of  the  Holy 
Brotherhood.  To  say  that  trial  by  combat  some 
times  occurred  is  affirming  of  them  nothing  com 
plimentary;  but  upon  the  absence  of  the  Inquisition 
they  were  to  be  congratulated. 

Although  living  lives  of  easy  poverty,  the  wild  tribes 
of  America  everywhere  possessed  dormant  wealth 
enough  to  tempt  the  cupidity  alike  of  the  fierce 
Spaniard,  the  blithe  Frenchman,  and  the  sombre 
Englishman.  Under  a  burning  tropical  sun,  where 
neither  animal  food  nor  clothing  was  essential  to 
comfort,  the  land  yielded  gold,  while  in  hyperborean 
forests  where  no  precious  metals  were  discovered, 
the  richest  peltries  abounded;  so  that  no  savage  in 


SIGNIFICATIONS  OF  PROGRESS.  67 

mind ;  when  we  consider  the  progress  of  even  the  last 
half-century,  and  listen  to  the  present  din  and  clatter 
of  improvement,  do  we  raise  our  eyes  to  the  future 
and  ask,  Whither  tends  all  this  ?  Whither  tends 
with  so  rapidly  accelerating  swiftness  this  self-beget 
ting  of  enlightenment,  this  massing  of  human  ac 
quirements  ;  whither  tends  this  perpetually  increas 
ing  domination  of  the  intellectual  over  the  material  ? 
Within  the  past  few  thousand  years,  which  are  but 
as  a  breath  in  the  whole  .  life  of  man,  we  have  seen 
our  race  emerge  from  the  wilderness,  separate  from 
the  companionship  of  wild  beasts,  and  coalesce  into 
societies.  We  have  seen  nations  cease  somewhat  their 
hereditary  growlings,  and  brutal  blood -sheddings, 
and  mingle  as  brethren;  we  have  seen  wavy  grain 
supplant  the  tangled  wildwood,  gardens  materialize 
from  the  mirage,  and  magnificent  cities  rise  out  of 
the  rocky  ground.  Thus  we  have  seen  the  whole 
earth  placed  under  tribute,  and  this  mysterious  rea 
soning  intelligence  of  ours  elevating  itself  yet  more 
and  more  above  the  instincts  of  the  brute,  and  assert 
ing  its  dominion  over  nature ;  belting  the  earth  with 
an  impatient  energy,  which  now  presses  outward 
from  every  meridian,  widening  its  domain  as  best  it 
may  toward  the  north  and  toward  the  south,  build- 
m£  equatorial  fires  under  polar  icebergs.  All  this 

i  P  j/i  i        e  i 

and  more  trom  the  records  of  our  race  we  nave  seen 
accomplished,  and  yet  do  see  it;  civilization  working 
itself  out  in  accordance  with  the  eternal  purposes  of 
Omnipotence,  unfolding  under  man's  agency,  yet  in 
dependent  of  man's  will;  a  subtile,  extraneous,  unify 
ing  energy,  stimulated  by  agencies  good  not  more 
than  by  agencies  evil,  yet  always  tending  in  its  re 
sults  to  good  rather  than  to  evil;  an  influence  beyond 
the  reach  or  cognizance  of  man,  working  in  and  round 
persons  and  societies,  turning  and  overturning,  now 
clouding  the  sky  with  blackness  and  dropping  dis 
order  on  floundering  humanity,  but  only  to  be 
followed  by  a  yet  more  fertilizing  sunshine;  laying 


A  HAPPY  PEOPLE.  1C5 

the  latter  was  granted  a  family  coat  of  arms.  While 
Columbus  was  feted  by  the  nobles,  and  all  the  worLl 
resounded  with  his  praises,  Martin  Alonso  Pinzon 
lay  a-dying;  the  reward  for  his  invaluable  services, 
exceeding  a  hundred-fold  all  that  Isabella  and  Ferdi 
nand  together  had  done,  being  loss  of  property,  loss 
of  health,  the  insults  of  the  admiral,  the  scorn  of  the 
queen,  all  now  happily  crowned  by  speedy  death. 

Never  had  nature  made,  within  historic  times,  a 
paradise  more  perfect  than  this  Cuba  and  this  Hayti 
that  the  Genoese  had  found.  Never  was  a  sylvan 
race  more  gentle,  more  hospitable  than  that  which 
peopled  this  primeval  garden.  Naked,  because  they 
needed  not  clothing;  dwelling  under  palm-leaves, 
such  being  sufficient  protection;  their  sustenance  the 
spontaneous  gifts  of  the  ever  generous  land  and  sea ; 
undisturbed  by  artificial  curbings  and  corrections,  and 
tormented  by  no  ambitions,  their  life  was  a  summer 
day,  as  blissful  as  mortals  can  know.  It  was  as 
Eden;  without  work  they  might  enjoy  all  that  earth 
could  give.  Disease  and  pain  they  scarcely  knew; 
only  death  was  terrible.  In  their  social  intercourse 
they  were  sympathizing,  loving,  and  decorous,  prac 
tising  the  sublimest  religious  precepts  without  know 
ing  it,  and  serving  Christ  far  more  perfectly  than 
the  Christians  themselves.  With  strangers  the  men 
were  frank,  cordial,  honest;  the  women  artless  and 
compliant.  Knowing  no  guile,  they  suspected  none. 
Possessing  all  things,  they  gave  freely  of  that  which 
cost  them  nothing.  Having  no  laws,  they  broke 
none;  circumscribed  by  no  conventional  moralities, 
they  were  not  immoral.  If  charity  be  the  highest 
virtue,  and  purity  and  peace  the  greatest  good,  then 
were  these  savages  far  better  and  happier  beings 
than  any  civilization  could  boast.  That  they  pos 
sessed  any  rights,  any  natural  or  inherent  privileges 
in  regard  to  their  lands  or  their  lives;  that  these 
innocent  and  inoffensive  people  were  not  fit  subjects 


THE  QUIBIAN.  219 

to  be  sounded.  The  Veragua  was  fcund  too  shallow 
for  the  ships.  At  the  mouth  of  the  Belen  was  a  bar, 
which  however  could  be  crossed  at  high  water; 
above  the  bar  the  depth  was  four  fathoms.  On  the 
bank  of  the  Belen  stood  a  village,  whose  inhabitants 
at  first  opposed  the  landing  of  the  Spaniards ;  but 
being  persuaded  by  the  interpreter,  they  at  length 
yielded.  They  were  a  well-developed,  muscular  peo 
ple,  rather  above  medium  stature,  intelligent,  and 
exceptionally  shrewd;  in  fact,  in  point  of  native 
ability  they  were  in  no  wise  inferior  to  the  Spaniards. 
When  questioned  concerning  their  country,  they  an 
swered  guardedly ;  when  asked  about  their  gold  mines, 
they  replied  evasively.  First,  it  was  from  some  far-off 
mysterious  mountain  the  metal  came;  then  the  river 
Veragua  was  made  to  yield  it  all;  there  was  none  at 
all  about  Belen,  nor  within  their  territory,  in  fact. 
Finally  they  took  a  few  trinkets,  and  gave  the  intrud 
ers  twenty  plates  of  gold,  thinking  to  be  rid  of  them. 
Within  a  day  or  two  the  vessels  were  taken  over  the 
bar,  and  on  the  9th  two  of  them  ascended  the  river  a 
short  distance.  The  natives  made  the  best  of  it,  and 
brought  fish  and  gold. 

With  an  armed  force  the  adelantado  sets  out  in 
boats  to  explore  the  Veragua.  He  has  not  proceeded 
far  when  he  is  met  by  a  fleet  of  canoes,  in  one  of 
which  sits  the  quibian™  the  king  of  all  that  country, 
having  under  him  many  subordinate  chiefs.  He  is 
tall,  well-modelled,  and  compactly  built,  with  restless, 
searching  eyes,  but  otherwise  expressionless  features, 
taciturn  and  dignified,  and,  for  a  savage,  of  exception 
ally  bland  demeanor.  ^We  shall  find  him  as  politic  as 

20  Although  used  by  most  Spanish  and  English  writers  as  a  proper  name, 
the  word  quibian  is  an  appellative,  and  signifies  the  chief  of  a  nation,  or  the 
ruler  of  a  dynasty,  as  the  cacique  of  the  Cubans,  the  inca  of  the  Peruvians, 
the  aJutu  of  the  Quiche's,  etc.  Columbus,  writing  from  Jamaica,  employs  the 
term  el  Quibian  de  Veragua ;  and  again,  Garta  de  Colon,  in  Navarrete,  Col.  <-'e 
'Via  yes,  i.  302,  'Asente"  pueblo,  y  di  muchas  dadivas  al  Quibian,  que  asr  llaman 
al  Seuor  cle  la  tierra.'  Napione  and  De  Conti  write  il  Quibio  o  cacico  di  Bera- 
gua.  See  their  Biog.  di  Colombo,  388: — '  II  Prefetto  andd  colle  barche  al  mare 
per  entrare  iiel  fiume  e  portarsi  alia  popolazione  del  Quibio,  cosi  chiamato  da 
quei  popoii  il  loro  Re.' 


244  COLUMBUS  AT  VERAGUA. 

the  slave  mart  in  Seville.  Thousands  of  innocent  men,  women,  and  children 
she  cruelly  imprisoned,  thousands  she  cast  into  the  fiery  furnace,  tens  of 
thousands  she  robbed  and  then  drove  into  exile;  but  it  was  chastely  done,  and 
by  a  most  sweet  and  beautiful  lady.  We  can  hardly  believe  it  true,  we  do 
not  like  to  believe  it  true,  that  when  old  Rabbi  Abarbanel  pleaded  before 
the  king  for  his  people,  ' '  I  will  pay  for  their  ransom  six  hundred  thousand 
crowns  of  gold,"  Isabella's  soft,  musical  voice  was  heard  to  say,  "Do  not 
take  it,"  her  confessor  meanwhile  exclaiming  "What !  Judas-like,  sellJesus!" 
Besides,  thrice  six  hundred  thousand  crowns  might  be  secured  by  not  accept 
ing  the  ransom.  And  yet  this  was  the  bright  being,  and  such  her  acts  by 
Prescott's  own  statements,  cover  them  as  he  will  never  so  artfully,  whose 
practical  wisdom,  he  assures  us,  was  "  founded  on  the  purest  and  most  exalted 
principle, "  and  whose  ' '  honest  soul  abhorred  anything  like  artifice. "  Isabella 
was  unquestionably  a  woman  of  good  intentions;  but  with  such  substance  the 
soul-burner's  pit  is  paved. 

Prescott  throws  all  the  odium  of  the  Inquisition  on  Torquemada,  and  I 
concur.  The  monk's  mind  was  the  ashy,  unmelting  mould  in  which  the  wom 
an's  more  plastic  affections  were  cast.  But  then  he  should  be  accredited  with 
some  portion  of  the  virtues  that  adorned  the  character  of  Isabella,  for  he  was 
the  author  of  many  of  them.  To  be  just,  if  Isabella  is  accredited  with  her 
virtues,  she  must  be  charged  with  her  crimes.  And  if  the  queen  may  throw 
from  her  shoulders  upon  those  of  her  advisers  the  responsibility  of  iniquity 
permitted  under  her  rule,  why  not  King  Ferdinand,  who  likewise  had  men 
about  him  urging  him  to  this  policy  and  to  that  ?  True,  we  excuse  much  in 
woman  as  the  weaker,  and  very  justly  so,  which  we  condemn  in  the  man  of 
powerful  cunning.  But  Isabella  was  not  exactly  clay  in  the  hands  of  those 
about  her;  or  if  so,  then  praise  her  for  her  imbecility,  and  not  for  any 
virtue.  But  she  could  muster  will  and  spirit  enough  of  her  own  updn  occa 
sion — witness  her  threat  to  kill  Pedro  Giron  with  her  own  hand  rather  than 
marry  him,  and  the  policy  which  speaks  plainly  her  sagacity  and  state-craft  in 
the  selection  of  Ferdinand,  and  in  the  strict  terms  of  her  marriage  contract 
which  excluded  her  husband  from  any  sovereign  rights  in  Castile  or  Leon. 
Most  inconsistently,  indeed,  in  reviewing  the  administration  of  Isabella,  at 
the  end  of  three  volumes  of  unadulterated  adulation  Prescott  gives  his  heroine 
firmness  enough  in  all  her  ways;  independence  of  thought  and  action  suffi 
cient  to  circumscribe  the  pretensions  of  her  nobles;  and  she  "was  equally 
vigilant  in  resisting  ecclesiastical  encroachment;"  "she  enforced  the  execution 
of  her  own  plans,  oftentimes  even  at  great  personal  hazard,  with  a  resolution 
surpassing  that  of  her  husband. "  When,  however,  she  signed  the  edict  for 
the  expulsion  of  the  Jews,  the  excuse  was  that  "  she  had  been  early  schooled 
to  distrust  her  own  reason."  But  why  multiply  quotations  ?  The  Ferdinand 
and  Ixalrlla  of  Prescott  is  full  of  these  flat  contradictions. 

Y\  <  •  all  know  that  when  carried  away  by  feeling  women  are  more  cruel  than 
men;  so  Isabella  under  the  frenzy  of  her  fanaticism  was,  if  possible,  more  cruel 
than  Ferdinand,  whose  passions  were  ballasted  by  his  ambitions.  Her  feelings 
were  with  her  faith;  ami  her  faith  was  with  such  foul  iniquity,  such  inhuman 
wrong  as  should  cause  her  euphemistic  apologists  to  blush  for  resorting  to  the 
same  species  of  subterfuge  that  makes  heroes  of  Jack  Sheppard  and  Dick  Turpin. 


FIRST  VIEW  OF  THE  SOUTH  SEA.  365 

on  the  mysterious  southern  sea.  At  an  early  hour 
Vasco  Nunez  was  astir,  to  prepare  with  thrilling 
anticipations  for  the  ascent.  But  sixty-seven,  out 
of  the  one  hundred  and  ninety  Spaniards  who  within 
the  month  had  embarked  upon  this  enterprise  at 
Antigua,  possessed  sufficient  strength  for  the  present 
effort.  Departing  from  the  town,  their  way  at  first 
lay  through  a  tangled  forest,  which  fringed  the  mount 
ain  base,  and  whose  dense  foliage  hid  from  view  the 
more  distant  objects.  As  they  mounted  upward  into 
a  cooler,  drier  atmosphere,  the  vegetation  became 
more  stunted,  yet  the  undergrowth  was  still  so  thick 
that  the  soldiers  had  to  cut  a  passage  with  their 
sabres.  Emerging  at  length  into  an  open  space  near 

ano  de  1513;'  and  Herrera,  i.  x.  i. :  'A  veynte  y  cinco  de  Setiembre,  deste  aiio, 
de  donde  la  mar  se  parecia.'  Careful  writers  following  these  first  authorities 
also  name  the  day  correctly,  as  Humboldt,  Exam.  Grit.,  i.  319,  who  says: 
'Vasco  NuQez  de  Balboa  vit  la  Mer  du  Sud,  le  25  septembre  1513,  du  haut 
de  la  Sierra  de  Quarequa;'  and  Acosta,  Compend.  Hist.  Nueva  Granada, 
50 :  '  Esto  paso  el  dia  25  de  setiembre  del  ano  de  1513  poco  antes  de  medio  dia 
y  forma  una  de  las  epocas  notables  en  el  descubrimiento  de  la  America;'  and 
Quintana,  Vidas  de  Espanoles  Celebres,  'Balboa;' 20:  '  25  de  setiembre ;'  and 
Chevalier,  L'Isthme  de  Panama,  15:  'Le  vingt-cinquieme  jour,  le  25  septem 
bre;'  and  Campbell,  Hist.  Span.  Am.,  23:  'the  25th  of  Septembre;'  and 
Helps,  Span.  Conq.,  i.  361:  '25th  of  September;'  etc.  In  the  face  of  which, 
Irving,  Columbus,  iii.  198,  shows  gross  carelessness  when  he  writes  'the 
2Gth  of  September.'  To  support  him  he  has  Eamusio,  who,  Viaggi,  iii. 
29,  falls  into  a  mistake  of  Peter  Martyr's,  '  alii  ventisei  adunque  di  Settenv 
bre,'  and  DuPerier,  Gen.  Hist.  Voy.,  139,  and,  to  copy  his  error,  Dalton,  Conq. 
Mex.  and  Peru,  43,  and  a  host  of  others.  Not  quite  so  often  mentioned  as 
Columbus'  voyages  is  this  discovery  of  Vasco  Nuiiez,  though  nearly  so.  After 
Oviedo  and  Las  Casas  probably  Peter  Martyr  gives  the  best  original  account. 
Herrera  copied  from  all  before  him.  The  following  popular  accounts  are  most  of 
them  meagre  and  unreliable: — NouvellesAn.  des  Voy. ,  cxlviii.  1 1-12 ;  Goodrich' s 
Manupon  the  Sea,  201-8 ;  Voyages,  NewCol. ,  i.  180-6 ;  World  Displayed,  i.  153-9; 
Monson's  Tracts,  in  Churchill's  Voy. ,  iii.  372 ;  MarchyLdbores,MarinaEspanola, 
i.  413-59;  Dufey,  Resume  Hist.  Am.,i.  75-86;  Gottfriedt,  Newe  Welt,  239-41; 
Juarros,  Guat.,  122;  Montanus,  Nieuwe  Weereld,  66-72;  Ogilby's  Am.,  69- 
72;  Norman's  Hist.  Cal.,  10-11;  Patton's  Hist.  U.S.,  11;  Pirn's  Gate  of  Pacific, 
99;  Hazlitt's  Gold  Fields,  3;  Roberts' Nar.  FOT/.,XX.;  Isth.Panama,5;  Humboldt, 
Essai  Pol.,  i.  17;  Lallement,  Geschichte,  i.  25;  Bidwell's  Panama,  23-7;  An- 
dagoya's  Nor.,  19;  Galvano's  Discov.,  123-4;  Gavanilles,  Hist.  Espana,  v. 
290-1;  Greenhow'sMem.,22;  Farnham's  Adv.,  119;  Fcdix,  L' Oregon,  67-8 ; 
Span.  Emp.  in  Am.,  23;  Burney's  Discov.  South  Sea,  i.  8-9;  Niles'  S.  Am.  and 
Mex.,  14-15;  Kerr's  Col.  Voy. ,  ii.  67-8 ;  Cotton's  Jour.  Geog.,  no.  6,  84: ;  Douglas' 
Hist,  and  Pol.,  44;  Holmes'  Annals  Am.,  i.  32-3;  Inter-Oceanic  Canal  and 
Monroe  Doct.,  11;  Hesperian,  ii.  27-33;  Lardner's  Hist.  Discov.,  ii.  40-1; 
Harper's  Mag.,  xviii.  469-84;  Macgregor's  Prog.  Am.,  i.  10-11;  Mofras, 
L'Orer/on,  i.  88-9;  Ovalle,  Hist.  Rel.  Chile,  inPinkerton's  Col.,  xiv.  142-4;  Mesa 
y  Leompart,  Hist.  Am.,  i.  88-94;  Mavor's  Am.  Hist.,  xxiv.  52-5;  Holinski, 
Cal.,  62-4;  Benzoni,  Hist.  Hondo Nvovo,  47-8;  Morelli,  Fasti Novi  Qrbis,  15; 
Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  20. 


366  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

the  summit,  a  bare  eminence  was  pointed  out  by  the 
guides,  whence  the  view  was  said  to  be  unobstructed, 
and  the  sea  distinctly  visible. 

Viewed  prosaically,  there  was  nothing  astounding 
in  ascending  a  hill  and  taking  a  look  at  the  ocean. 
It  had  been  often  done  elsewhere;  it  had  been  often 
done  here.  Nor  was  there  any  peculiar  difference 
between  sea  and  land  here  and  sea  and  land  elsewhere. 
But  there  was  that  to  the  minds  of  the  impetuous 
and  impressible  Spaniards,  there  is  that  to  our  own 
minds,  in  first  things  and  first  views  of  things,  our 
first  view,  our  country's  first  awakening,  that  stirs 
the  soul  and  sets  faster  beating  the  heart.  Reduced 
to  words,  the  sentiment  is  the  pleasure  the  mind 
derives  from  improving  surprises;  it  is  the  joy  of 
development,  the  ecstasy  of  evolution. 

If  such  be  commonly  the  case,  how  much  more 
reason  had  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  to  be  impassioned 
on  this  occasion.  Behind  him  was  ignominy,  perhaps 
chains  and  death;  before  him  was  glory,  immortal 
fame.  And  it  was  meet  in  him  that  this  ordinarily 
trivial  act  should  be  consummated  with  a  ceremony 
becoming  to  one  of  civilization's  great  achievements. 

Ordering  a  halt,  Vasco  Nunez  advanced  alone.  His 
should  be  the  first  European  eye  to  behold  what  there 
was  to  behold,  and  that  without  peradventure.  With 
throbbing  heart  he  mounted  the  topmost  eminence 
which  crowned  these  sea-dividing  hills.  Then,  as  in 
the  lifting  of  a  veil,  a  scene  of  primeval  splendor  burst 
on  his  enraptured  gaze,  such  as  might  fill  with  joy  an 
archangel  sent  to  explore  a  new  creation.  There  it 
lay,  that  boundless  unknown  sea,  spread  out  before 
him,  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  in  calm,  majestic 
beauty,  glittering  like  liquid  crystal  in  the  morning 
sun.  Beneath  his  feet,  in  furrowed  prospect,  were 
terraces  of  living  green,  sportive  with  iridescent  light 
and  shade;  waving  plains  and  feathered  steeps  white- 
lined  with  flowing  waters,  here  dashing  boisterously 
down  the  hill- side,  yonder  winding  silent  through  the 


SPEECH  OF  VASCO  NUHEZ.  367 

sighing  foliage  to  the  all-receiving  sea.  In  that  first 
illimitable  glance  time  stood  back,  the  mists  lifted, 
and  eternity  was  there.  What  wonder  if  to  this 
Spanish  cavalier,  in  that  moment  of  triumphant  joy, 
visions  of  the  mighty  future  appeared  pictured  on  the 
cerulean  heights,  visions  of  populous  cities,  of  fleets 
and  armies,  of  lands  teeming  with  wealth  and  in 
dustry.  And  to  Spain  should  all  these  blessings  and 
advantages  accrue;  to  Spain  through  him. 

Dropping  on  his  knees,  he  poured  forth  praise  and 
thanksgiving  to  the  author  of  that  glorious  creation 
for  the  honor  of  its  discovery.  The  soldiers  then 
pressed  forward,  gazed  enchanted  likewise,  and  like 
wise  assumed  the  attitude  of  prayer;  for  however 
devotedly  these  cavaliers  served  their  devil,  they  never 
ceased  praying  to  their  god. 

"  There,  my  friends,"  exclaimed  Balboa,  rising  and 
pointing  to  the  prospect  before  him,  "  there  is  the 
realization  of  your  hopes,  the  reward  of  your  labors. 
You  are  the  first  Christians  to  look  upon  that  sea,  or 
to  tread  its  luxuriant  shores.  The  words  of  the  chiv 
alrous  Panciaco  concerning  the  Southern  Sea  are 
more  than  verified;  please  God  so  may  we  find  them 
regarding  the  riches  of  its  shore.  All  are  yours,  I 
say,  yours  the  glory  of  laying  this  celestial  realm  at 
your  sovereign's  feet;  yours  the  privilege  of  bringing 
to  the  only  vile  thing  in  it  the  cleansing  properties  of 
our  holy  faith.  Continue,  then,  true  to  me,  and  I 
promise  you  honor  and  wealth  to  your  fullest  desire." 
A  shout  of  approbation,  such  as  the  rabble  are  ever 
ready  with  before  success,  was  followed  by  pledges  of 
fidelity  and  fair  service,  to  be  broken  upon  the  first 
occasion.  And  if  we  may  believe  old  Peter  Martyr, 
who  enjoyed  this  triumph  of  progress  almost  as  much 
as  the  discoverers  themselves,  Hannibal  from  the 
summit  of  the  Alps,  pointing  to  his  soldiers  the  deli 
cious  fields  of  Italy,  displayed  no  grander  conception 
of  his  high  achievements,  past  and  future,  than  did 
Balboa  at  this  moment.  A  cross  was  erected,  round 


VALENZUELA  JOINS  ESPINOSA.  423 

The  inhabitants  melted  before  the  invaders,  and  it 
was  with  difficulty  that  men  could  be  captured  for 
guides.  The  Spaniards  had  not  advanced  far  before 
they  learned  that  a  council  had  been  held  by  the  chiefs 
confederated  for  self-protection,  to  determine  whether 
the  gold  taken  from  Badajoz  should  be  returned. 
Some  were  in  favor  of  restoring  it;  but  others  objected 
that,  this  being  given  up,  as  much  more  would  be  de 
manded,  and  since  fight  they  must  in  either  case,  it 
was  agreed  to  do  so  before  surrendering  the  treasure. 
It  so  happened  that  Diego  Albites  with  eighty  men 
was  marching  in  advance,  and  coming  to  a  rivulet 
he  espied  some  Indians  hidden  under  the  bank  and 
undertook  to  capture  them.  Instantly  the  country 
was  alive  with  savages;  Albites  found  himself  sur 
rounded  by  four  thousand  of  the  enemy,  wholly  cut 
off  from  the  main  body.  The  Spaniards  fought  des 
perately  for  six  hours,  and  would  have  been  destroyed 
had  not  Espinosa  appeared  and  let  loose  upon  the 
assailants  the  bloodhounds  and  the  horsemen.  Twenty 
caciques  and  a  host  of  warriors  were  slain,  and  many 
of  the  Spaniards  were  badly  wounded.  "  That  night 
we  slept  upon  the  battle-field,"  says  Espinosa,  "and 
next  day  I  threw  up  a  protection  of  palisades  and  sent 
out  in  search  of  the  cacique  Paris."  The  cunning 
chief  had  burned  his  village  and  fled,  thus  leaving  the 
invaders  neither  gold  nor  provisions.  Albites  went 
out  to  forage,  with  instructions  to  fire  a  cannon  in 
case  of  danger.  Nine  times  that  night  the  licentiate 
heard  the  report  of  a  gun,  and  was  not  a  little  alarmed 
for  the  safety  of  the  captain.  Great  was  his  joy, 
therefore,  when  early  in  the  morning  Yalenzuela 
appeared  with  reinforcement  of  one  hundred  men 
from  Antigua  and  informed  the  licentiate  that  it  was 
he  who  had  fired  the  guns  while  in  search  of  the 
commander's  camp. 

Espinosa  having  now  three  hundred  men  felt  him 
self  strong  enough  to  prosecute  discovery  according 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

COLONIZATION  IN  HONDURAS. 
1524-1525, 

CORTES  IN  MEXICO — EXTENSION  OF  HIS  CONQUESTS — FEARS  OF  ENCROACH 
MENTS  ON  THE  PART  OF  SPANIARDS  IN  CENTRAL  AMERICA— CRIST6BAL 
DE  OLID  SENT  TO  HONDURAS — TOUCHING  AT  HABANA,  HE  is  WON 
FROM  ALLEGIANCE  TO  CORTES  —  TRIUNFO  DE  LA  CRUZ  FOUNDED  — 
OLID  AS  TRAITOR  —  MEETING  WITH  GIL  GONZALEZ  —  THE  WRATH  OF 
CORTES — CASAS  SENT  AFTER  OLID — NAVAL  ENGAGEMENT  IN  TRIUNFO 
HARBOR  —  CASAS  FALLS  INTO  THE  HANDS  OF  OLID,  WHO  is  SOON 
CAPTCTRED  BY  THE  CAPTIVE  —  DEATH  OF  OLID  —  RETURN  OF  CASAS  TO 
MEXICO — TRUJILLO  FOUNDED — INTERFERENCE  OF  THE  AUDIENCIA  OF 
SANTO  DOMINGO. 

WHILE  certain  of  the  Spaniards  were  settling 
themselves  in  possession  of  the  Isthmus  and  parts  of 
Central  America,  others  were  engaged  in  like  manner 
elsewhere.  Among  the  latter  was  Hernan  Cortes, 
who  sailed  from  Cuba,  in  1519,  for  the  conquest  of 
Mexico,  which  was  accomplished  in  1521.  So  great 
was  the  glory  of  this  achievement,  complete  details 
of  which  will  be  given  in  a  later  volume  of  this 
work,  that  fresh  hordes  flocked  to  the  banner  of 
its  hero,  whose  further  efforts  toward  conquest  in 
different  directions  were  little  more  than  triumphal 
marches.  On  nearly  every  side  his  captains  found 
rich  provinces  and  populous  settlements  which  prom 
ised  flattering  rewards  in  tributes,  plantations,  and 
submissive  slaves;  or  their  ears  were  filled  with 
reports  of  still  greater  cities,  still  richer  territories, 
further  on.  From  such  substance  rumor  blew  its 
gaudy  bubbles,  which  danced  in  iridescent  hues  and 
ever  increasing  size  before  the  eyes  of  the  conquerors, 

(522) 


OUTLOOK  FROM  MEXICO.  523 

luring  them  on  into  the  depths  of  mysterious  regions 
beyond.  Insatiate,  a  world  apiece  would  scarcely 
satisfy  them  now. 

Of  the  several  points  toward  which  expeditions 
were  sent  out  from  the  Mexican  capital  by  its  con 
queror,  the  southern  regions  seemed  in  some  respects 
the  most  alluring.  Information  came  to  Cortes  of 
the  high  culture  of  the  inhabitants  in  that  quarter, 
of  their  manifold  wealth,  their  palaces  and  great  cities, 
all  magnified  by  mystery  and  distance.  Further  than 
this,  the  possibility,  nay,  the  certainty  that  Span 
iards  moving  northward  from  the  Panama  region 
would  soon  be  in  possession  there  if  not  forestalled, 
made  delay  seem  dangerous.  Hence  it  was  that 
Oajaca  and  Chiapas  were  quickly  made  to  open 
their  portals;  and  now  the  redoubtable  Pedro  de 
Alvarado,  second  only  to  Cortes  himself,  was  enter 
ing  Tehuantepec  to  rend  the  veil  which  enfolded  the 
Quiche  kingdom,  and  to  disclose  the  splendor  of 
Utatlan. 

Likewise  the  northern  seaboard  to  the  south  of 
Yucatan  claimed  attention.  This  could  scarcely  now 
be  called  an  undiscovered  country,  for  Spaniards  as 
well  as  natives  poured  into  the  conqueror's  ears  the 
sure  truth  of  what  might  be  expected.  There  were 
pilots  whose  course  had  led  them  along  the  coast  of 
Hibueras,  or  Honduras,1  and  who  charmed  their 
hearers  with  tales  of  gold  so  abundant  that  fishermen 
used  nuggets  for  sinkers.  In  this  there  was  nothing 
startling  to  Cortds,  however,  for  since  his  first  entry 
into  Mexico  he  had  received  such  information  touch 
ing  this  Honduras  country,  particularly  two  provinces, 
that  were  but  one  third  true,  "they  would  far  exceed 
Mexico  in  wealth,  and  equal  her  in  the  size  of  towns, 
in  the  number  of  inhabitants,  and  in  culture."2 

These  reports  could  not  be  disregarded.    An  expe- 

1  See  chapter  iv. ,  note  6,  this  volume. 

* '  Una  que  Hainan  Hueitapalan  y  en  otra  lengua  Xucutaco ....  ocho  6  diez 
jornadas  de  aquella  villa  de  Trujillo.  Cortes,  Cariaa,  469.  '  Higueraa  y  HOdu- 
ras,  que  tenian  faina  de  mucho  oro  y  buena  tierra.'  Oomara,  hint.  Mex.,  233. 


620  MARCH  OF  ALVARADO  TO  GUATEMALA. 

And  thus  are  opened  the  portals  of  Guatemala,4  a 
region  within  whose  parallels  centuries  rocked  the 
cradle  of  American  civilization,  now  disclosed  by 
monuments  the  most  imposing  of  any  on  the  conti 
nent.  The  history  of  their  origin  is  hidden  in  the  re 
mote  past,  of  which  only  an  occasional  glimpse  is 
permitted  the  investigator.  A  mighty  Maya  empire 
looms  forth  under  the  name  of  Xibalba,  founded  per 
haps  by  Yotan,  the  culture-hero,  and  centring  round 
the  famous  Palenque.  A  golden  age  was  followed  by 
long  struggles  with  a  growing  power,  which  brought 
about  its  downfall  toward  the  beginning  of  our  era. 
The  Nahuas  now  rise  into  prominence,  but  some  five 
centuries  later  disaster  falls  also  on  them,  and  a  general 
breaking-up  ensues,  leading  to  mighty  migrations  and 
the  formation  of  smaller  independent  nations,  such  as 
the  Toltecs,  Chichimecs,  and  Quiches.  After  this  even 
tradition  ceases  to  speak,  save  in  alluding  vaguely  to  a 
later  foreign  immigration.  With  this  come  also  certain 
Toltecs,  who,  after  the  downfall  of  their  empire  in  the 
more  northerly  Andhuac,  seek  here  an  asylum  where 
once  again  may  bloom  the  culture  that,  cradled  in  this 
very  region,  now  returns  with  invigorating  elements. 
Mingling  with  the  natives,  they  stir  anew  the  progress 
paralyzed  by  civil  wars,  infuse  fresh  spirit  into  totter 
ing  institutions,  and,  combining  with  the  aboriginal 
culture,  develop  the  new  era  apparent  in  the  art  relics 
of  this  western  plateau. 

A  series  of  struggles  soon  ensues,  out  of  which  rises 
in  the  twelfth  or  thirteenth  century  the  Quiche 
empire.  Subordinate  tribes  gradually  acquire  suffi 
cient  strength,  however,  to  cast  off  a  yoke  which  has 

4  According  to  Fuentes  y  Guzman,  derived  from  Coctecmalan — that  is  to 
say,  Palo  de  leche,  milk-tree,  commonly  called  Yerba  mala,  found  in  the  neigh 
borhood  of  Antigua  Guatemala.  See  also  Jiiarros,  Guat.,  ii.  257-8.  In  the 
Mexican  tongue,  if  we  may  believe  Vazquez,  it  was*  called  Quauhtimali,  'rotten 
tree.'  Chronica  de  Guat.,  68.  Others  derive  it  from  Uhatezmalha,  signify 
ing  '  the  hill  which  discharges  water ;'  and  Juarros  suggests  that  it  may  be 
from  Juitemal,  the  first  king  of  Guatemala,  by  a  corruption,  as  Almolonga 
from  Atmuiunga,  and  Zonzonate  from  ZezontlatL  The  meaning  of  the  word 
would  then  be  'the  kingdom  of  Guatemala.'  Guat.,  i.  4;  ii.  259-60. 


636  CONQUEST  OF  GUATEMALA  BEGUN. 

springs,  but  the  period  of  refreshment  was  short.  At 
hand  was  a  yet  more  formidable  native  force,  led  by 
Prince  Ahzumanche,  one  of  the  highest  among  the 
relatives  and  officers  of  the  king. 

The  engagement  which  followed  was  exceptionably 
bloody.  The  Quiche's  approached  over  the  extensive 
plains,  and  when  they  had  arrived  at  a  position  favor 
able  for  the  Spaniards  to  make  the  attack  the  horse 
men  charged  upon  them.  But  the  Quiches  were 
better  on  their  guard  than  before.  Recovered  from 
their  panic,  and  animated  by  the  example  of  their 
leader,  they  displayed  greater  bravery  this  time, 
standing  the  shock  unflinchingly,8  fighting  foot  to 
foot,  or  banded  two  and  three  together,  endeavoring 
by  their  own  strength  to  overthrow  the  horses,  seizing 
them  by  mane  and  tail,  and  trying  to  pull  them  down, 
and  laying  hold  of  the  riders  to  unhorse  them.  The 
Spaniards  were  indeed  closely  beset,  and  for  a  time 
it  seemed  by  no  means  certain  that  victory  would 
finally  declare  for  them.  But  what  naked  power  could 
long  withstand  the  steady  fire  of  arquebuse  and  cross 
bow,  the  steady  fall  of  sword-blow  and  lance-thrust! 

Relaxing  their  efforts  for  a  moment,  the  natives 
were  charged  by  the  cavalry  with  deadly  result,  and 
were  trampled  under  foot  by  hundreds,  and  speedily 
routed.  For  a  league  they  were  followed  with  great 
havoc,  till  they  took  refuge  in  a  stronghold  of  the 
sierra.  By  pretending  flight,  however,  Alvarado  drew 
them  from  their  position  to  the  open  plain,  and  then 
wheeled  and  fell  upon  them.  The  carnage  for  a  time 
was  dreadful ;  the  ground  was  covered  with  the  mangled 
bodies  of  the  dead  and  dying,  and  the  waters  of  the 
Olintepec  ran  crimson  with  blood.  And  henceforth 
the  stream  was  called  Xequiqel,  that  is  to  say,  River 
of  Blood.9 

8  'I  aqui  hicimos  otro  alcance  mui  grande,  donde  hallamos  Gente,  que 
esperaba  vno  de  ellos  &  dos  de  Caballo.'  Alvarado,  Relation,  in  Barciu,  i.  158. 
See  also  for  a  description  of  this  engagement,  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  ix. 

9  '  La  mucha  sangre  de  Indios  que  avia  corrido  en  Rios  en  Xcquikel  (que  por 
esso  se  Ham6  assi).'   Vazquez,  Chronica  de  Gvat.,  524.     '  Xcyuiyel,  que  quiere 


A  MAGNIFICENT  PRIZE.  637 

Among,  the  fallen  was  Prince  Ahzumanche,  and  a 
number  of  the  nobility  and  chiefs.  The  contest  being 
over,  the  army  encamped  for  the  night  at  the  springs 
before  mentioned.  The  loss  to  the  Spaniards,  as 
usual,  was  insignificant.1 


10 


Let  us  pause  for  a  moment  to  review  the  position 
of  the  invaders.  They  had  surmounted  with  irresist 
ible  progress  the  coast  range,  had  crossed  the  summit, 
fought  their  way  down  the,  corresponding  slopes,  and 
were  within  a  league  of  Xelahuh,  the  great  stronghold 
of  the  Quiches,  on  their  western  confines.  All  the 
defences  to  it  had  been  won,  the  Zacaha  fortifications 
had  been  carried,  passive  nature's  majestic  guardian 
ship  had  been  overcome,  and  human  opposition  had 
proved  futile.  Far  behind  them  stood  the  deadly 
forest  through  which  they  had  struggled;  over  the 
golden-edged  hills,  the  rugged  steep  by  which  they 
had  made  their  way  hither.  Around  them  now  were 
open  pine  woods,11  and  at  their  feet  the  wide  culti 
vated  plains  of  the  table-lands  on  which  the  sun  shed 
its  uninterrupted  rays.  Dotted  with  towns  and  parti 
colored  with  maize-fields  and  orchards,  silver-threaded 
by  streams,  the  landscape  displayed  before  the  Span 
iards  the  picture  of  a  paradise.  And  this  beautiful 
realm  now  lay  helpless  in  the  conqueror's  grasp,  its 
very  air12  becoming  traitorous  by  refreshing  and  in- 

decir  rio  de  sangre.'  Juarros,  Guat.,  ii.  250.  This  last  author  states  that 
from  the  river  Zamala  to  the  Olintepec  six  battles  were  fought,  but  that  this 
was  the  most  strongly  contested  and  the  most  bloody.  Compare  A  Ivarado, 
Relation,  in  Bartia,  158;  Bcrnal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  174;  Fuentes  y  Guz 
man,  Recordation  Florida,  MS.,  3-4;  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  229. 

10  'Muri6  vn  sefior  de  quatro  que  son  en  Vtatlan.'  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex., 
229.     Besides   Prince  Ahzumanche,   two  principal   lords  of   Utatlan  were 
slain   in   the   battles  of   the   pass — the  one  Ahzol,    a  great  captain,  and  a 
relative  of  the  king,  and  the  other  Ahpocoh,  his  shield-bearer,  whose  office 
in  the  army  was  of  the  highest.  Juarros,  Guat.,  ii.  250;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Verdad.,  174.    The  words  Ahzol  and  Ahpocoh  are  not,  however,  patronymics, 
but  titles. 

11  The  district  is  called  El  Pinar  by  Juarros,  Guat.,  ii.  248;  and  El  Pinal 
by  Vazquez,  Chronica  de  Gvat.,  524. 

12 '  Corriendo  la  Tierra,  que  es  tan  gran  Poblacion  como  Tascalteque,  i  en 
las  Labran9as,  ni  mas,  ni  menos,  i  friisima  en  demasia.'  Alvarado,  Relation, 
in  JSarcia,  i.  158. 


638  CONQUEST  OF  GUATEMALA  BEGUN. 

vigorating  the  invaders,  bracing  their  nerves  and  in 
spiring  their  hearts  to  new  enterprise. 

At  dawn  the  Spanish  camp  was  astir;  and  while 
the  voices  of  Christian  priests  chanting  praises  to  God 
for  past  victories  floated  over  the  hideous  battle-field, 
Christian  soldiers  were  buckling  on  their  armor  for 
the  further  butchering  of  helpless  human  beings  who 
had  done  them  no  harm.  A  hermitage  and  a  town 
were  established  at  Zacaha,  the  former  under  the 
charge  of  Friar  Francisco  Martinez  de  Pontaza,13 
whose  memory  was  ever  after  fragrant  in  those  parts, 
the  latter  under  the  direction  of  Juan  de  Leon  Car- 
dona.14  The  natives  of  the  subjugated  neighborhood 
finally  came  in  and  helped  to  swell  the  numbers  of  the 
town,  which  was  called  Quezaltenango.15 

These  measures  taken,16  the  army  advanced  on 
Xelahuh,17  only  to  find  it  abandoned.  The  inhabi 
tants,  terror-stricken  at  the  success  of  the  invaders, 
had  fled  to  the  mountains.  Alvarado  took  up  his 
quarters  in  the  deserted  city,  where  for  six  days  he 
remained,  resting  and  reconnoitring.18 

"Vazquez  visited  this  hermitage  at  Zacaha  in  1690,  and  there  saw  a 
picture  of  the  virgin,  which  had  been  brought  by  the  conquerors,  and  was 
known  as  La  Conquistadora,  for  a  description  of  which  the  reader  can  consult 
Clironlca  dc  Gvat.,  9.  In  his  time  the  shrine  was  a  place  greatly  revered. 
It  was  a  current  belief  that  some  member  of  the  priestly  order,  the  object  of 
devotion,  was  interred  there,  a  strong  supposition  prevailing  that  the  remains 
were  those  of  the  first  bishop  of  Guatemala ;  but  this  is  wrong,  for  Bishop 
Marroquin  died  in  the  Episcopal  palace  at  Guatemala.  The  remains  were 
probably  those  of  the  priest  Pontaza.  Chronica  de  Gvat.,  8-10,  526. 

14  The  descendants  of  this  conquistador  were  still  living  in  the  same  locality 
in  the  time  of  Vazquez,  who  describes  them  as  raisers  of  small  stock,  as 
poverty-stricken  as  the  descendants  of  the  conquered  natives.  Id.,  8-9. 

13  Four  years  later  the  town  was  removed  to  the  present  site.  Id.,  7-8; 
Juarroe,  Guat.,  ii.  241.  The  meaning  of  the  term  Quezaltenango  is  the  '  place 
of  the  quetzal,'  the  American  bird  of  paradise,  called  'trogon'  by  the  natur 
alists.  The  name  was  of  Mexican  origin,  and  was  probably  applied  not  only 
to  the  district  but  to  the  city  of  Xelahuh. 

16  During  a  stay  of  two  to  three  days.   Fuentes  y  Guzman,  Rvcordacion 
Florida,  MS. 

17  Four  years  later  the  inhabitants  were  removed  to  the  new  town  of 
QuezaltenangdJ  which  the  Indian  population  still  call  Xelahuh. 

18  On  the  authority  of  a  manuscript  of  sixteen  leaves  found  at  San  Andres 
Xecul,  a  town  not  far  from  Quezaltenango,  Juarros  states  that  on  the  second 
day  four  caciques  humbly  surrendered  themselves,  and  owing  to  their  influ 
ence  the  inhabitants  peaceably  returned  and  tendered  allegiance.   Guat.,ii. 
240-1.     No  mention  of  such  an  event  is  made  by  Alvarado,  Bernal  Diaz,  or 


THE  GRAND  ARMY.  639 

Tecum  Umam  was  an  ambitious  prince  and  a  brave 
commander.  With  no  small  concern  he  had  seen  de 
feated  one  after  another  the  forces  sent  against  the 
foe,  and  he  now  resolved  to  take  the  field  in  person. 
About  noon  on  the  seventh  day  of  their  sojourn  at 
Xelahuh  the  Spaniards  saw  converging  to  that  point 
from  every  quarter  dense  masses  of  warriors.19  Well 
aware  that  his  great  strength  lay  in  the  cavalry, 
Alvarado  with  a  large  part  of  his  force20  hastened  to 
occupy  an  open  plain,  three  leagues  in  length,  at  no 
great  distance  from  the  city.  Tecum  Umam  was 
shrewd  enough  to  comprehend  the  manoeuvre,  and 
before  the  last  Spaniard  was  a  bow-shot  from  camp 
the  Quiche  army  in  two  principal  divisions  was  upon 
them.  Alvarado  had  divided  his  cavalry  into  two 
bodies,  commanded  respectively  by  Pedro  Puerto- 
carrero  and  Hernando  de  Chaves,  who  were  directed 
to  assail  at  different  points  one  of  the  opposing  bodies 
when  well  in  position,  while  the  infantry,  commanded 
by  himself,  were  to  engage  with  the  other.  The  onset 
was  terrible.  Through  and  through  the  dense  columns 
rush  the  horsemen,  heedless  alike  of  the  flint-tipped 
arrow,  the  javelin  with  fire-hardened  point,  and  the 
slung  pebble.  Resistance  was  not  possible.  Plunged 
through  and  hurled  to  earth,  crushed  beneath  the  horses' 
hoofs,  the  broken  ranks  of  this  division  sought  the 
protection  of  the  other.  Thus  half  of  Tecum's  last 
hope  was  lost,  while  the  other  half  was  fast  dwindling. 
Early  in  the  combat  the  Quiche  king  had  recognized 

Herrera;  and  Vazquez  distinctly  states  that  these  four  chiefs  were  won 
over,  with  some  difficulty,  after  the  final  battle  and  the  death  of  Tecum. 
Though  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  follows  Juarros,  I  incline  to  the  opinion 
that  the  pacification  of  Xelahuh  was  subsequent  to  the  battle  which  is  yet 
to  follow. 

19 Twelve  thousand  of  whom  were  from  the  city  of  Utatlan.  Relation,  i. 
158.  Juarros  says  the  first  contingent  contained  16,000  men.  Guat.,ii.  251. 
Bernal  Diaz  gives  the  whole  number  as  more  than  16,000.  Hist.  Verdad.,  174. 
Herrera  uses  the  indefinite  but  safe  expression  '  vn  gran  exercito  de  Quazal- 
tenalco. '  dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  ix. 

20  The  numbers  are  differently  given.  Alvarado  says  there  were  90  horse 
men;  Juarros,  135  horse;  Herrera,  that  the  whole  force  consisted  of  80  horse, 
200  infantry,  and  a  strong  body  of  Mexicans.  Bernal  Diaz  uses  the  general 
expression,  'with  his  army.' 


640  CONQUEST  OF  GUATEMALA  BEGUN. 

the  conspicuous  figure  of  the  mounted  Spanish  com 
mander,  and  as  Tecum  now  saw  his  forces  broken  by 
the  cavalry,  he  determined  upon  one  last  desperate 
effort.  Gathering  around  him  a  few  chosen  warriors, 
he  threw  himself  in  person  upon  Alvarado,  and  with 
his  own  hand  so  wounded  his  horse  that  the  Spaniard 
was  obliged  to  fall  back  and  mount  another.  A  second 
and  a  third  time  the  undaunted  warrior  assailed  his 
superior  foe,  till  pierced  by  Alvarado's  lance  he  fell, 
staining  with  his  life-blood  the  ground  he  had  fought 
so  bravely  to  defend. 

It  was  not  often  that  the  heavenly  powers  deigned 
to  help  the  poor  natives  in  their  dire  struggle  with 
the  steel-clad  Europeans,  as  was  so  frequently  the  case 
with  the  Spaniards.  The  gods  usually  prefer  fighting 
on  the  strongest  side;  but  here  we  find  an  exception. 
It  is  my  duty  to  relate,  as  a  truthful  historian,  that 
during  the  mortal  combat  between  these  two  -leaders 
an  eagle  with  great  pinions  was  observed  by  the 
Quichd  army  circling  round  and  round  the  Spanish 
commander,  ever  and  anon  swooping  down  upon  him, 
and  with  beak  and  claw  attacking  him  about  the  head. 
It  was  the  nagual,  the  guardian  spirit  of  Tecum 
Umam.  But  less  strong  than  Santiago  or  the  virgin, 
it  was  discomfited  at  the  moment  of  the  monarch's 
death,  and  disappeared  from  the  sight  of  the  van 
quished  Quiche's.21 

Contrary  to  the  usual  course  pursued  by  natives  in 
warfare,  the  fall  of  their  commander  did  not  immedi 
ately  disperse  the  Quiche'  warriors,  but  seemed  rather 
to  enrage  them ;  for  the  moment  after  there  fell  upon 
the  Spaniards  such  a  blinding  tempest  of  javelins  as 
would  have  delighted  the  Spartan  Dieneces.  It  was 
but  for  a  moment,  however;  it  was  their  last  expiring 
effort,  for  soon  the  cavalry  came  thundering  on  their 
flanks,  dispersing  and  slaying  after  the  usual  fashion. 
For  two  leagues  along  the  plain  they  were  pursued  by 

21  Such  is  the  legend  long  retained  among  the  Quichds.  Guatemala,  Chron- 
icadela  Prov.t  i.  13;  Brasscur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  641. 


PERSUASIVE  PROSELYTING.  641 

the  horsemen,  who  then  turned  and  rode  back,  repeat 
ing  the  carnage  over  the  same  field.  The  slaughter 
was  particularly  bloody  at  a  stream  on  one  side  of  the 
plain,  and  the  commander  proudly  refers  to  it  in  his 
despatch.22  The  infantry  captured  a  vast  multitude 
which  had  taken  refuge  from  the  insatiate  horsemen 
on  a  hill  near  by. 

Thus  ended  another  day  in  the  annals  of  the  grand 
extermination,  a  day  dark  indeed  for  the  noble  Quiche* 
nation,  but  of  which  European  progress  and  propa 
gandizing  might  well  be  proud.23 

The  religion  of  Christ  being  thus  revealed  to  these 
heathen,  opportunity  was  now  offered  them  to  come 
forward  and  join  the  fold.  Indeed,  four  captive  chief 
tains24  of  Xelahuh  received  the  intimation  that  it 
would  be  as  well  for  them  to  cast  their  lots  with  the 
saintly  crusaders.  Being  promised  their  liberty  they 
submitted  to  baptism  at  the  hands  of  the  priests  Torres 
and  Pontaza.  Christian  raiment  with  swords  were 
then  given  them  and  they  were  entertained  at  the 
table  of  Alvarado.25  After  this  they  were  sent  out 
as  missionaries  to  their  affrighted  brethren,  bringing 
quite  a  number  to  a  knowledge  of  the  Savior.  They 
also  aided  in  erecting  a  more  suitable  hermitage  at 
Zacaha,  and  in  building  houses  for  the  Donatis.26  Nay 

22  *  I  nuestros  Amigos,  i  los  Peones  hacian  vna  destruicion,  la  maior  del 
Mundo,  en  vn  Arroio.'  Alvarado,  Relation,  i.  158. 

23  Vazquez  asserts  that  this  engagement  took  place  on  the  14th  of  May, 
1524,  while  the  despatch  by  Alvarado  reporting  the  event  to  Cortds  is  dated 
more  than  a  month  earlier,  April  llth. 

24  It  is  difficult  to  arrive  at  any  approximation  to  the  number  of  slain 
during  the  series  of  engagements  on  the  Pinar.   Vazquez  is  the  only  authority 
who  ventures  to  put  down  figures.   'Viniendo  sobre  el  Exercito  Christiano. .  . 
de  trece  mil,  en  trece  mil,  cada  dia,  aquellos. .  .Barbaros  tan  imperterritos  a 
la  muerte,  y  al  estrago  que  las  Catholicas  armas  hacian  en  su  numeroso  Exer 
cito,  quedando  muertos  mas  de  diez,  y  doze  mil  infieles,  encendiendo  en  los 
que  quedauan  viuos . . .  que  aporadas  con  la  vertida  sangre  de  sus  compafieros 
avivaban  mas  su  rabia,  para  embestir  con  irracional  despecho  &  las  Espaiioles. ' 
Chroinca  de  Gvat.,  5.    See  also  Denial  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  159. 

25  The  names  of  these  caciques,  given  by  Juarros,  were  Calel  Ralak,  Ahpop- 
queham,  Calelahau,  and  Calelaboy,  as  supplied  by  the  manuscript  previously 
mentioned  in  note  17,  this  chapter. 

20  So  they  called  the  Spaniards,  as  the  soldiers  of  Alvarado,  generally 
known  by  the  name  of  Tonatiuh,  the  initial  "X"  being  changed  by  the  Quiche's 
into  'D.'  Vazquez,  Chronica  de  Gvat.,  524. 
HIST.  CEN.  AM.,  VOL.  I.    41 


FIGHT  WITH  THE  CHIGNAUTECS.  689 

he  maintains  for  some  time  a  desperate  struggle, 
striking  with  deadly  effect  upon  the  enemy.  Then 
he  loses  his  sword,  and  nothing  remains  to  him  but 
a  dagger.  It  is  not  in  this  instance  the  bravery 
of  the  man  that  astonishes  so  much  as  his  extraor 
dinary  muscular  power.  The  horse,*  by  kicking  and 
plunging,  prevents  capture,  while  Aguilar,  circum 
scribed  by  threatening  death,  exhibits  almost  super 
human  strength.  No  blow  dealt  to  kill  or  stun,  no 
attempt  to  seize  him,  can  stop  the  quick  stroke  of  that 
strong  right  arm  as  it  drives  the  keen  steel  straight 
into  the  assailants'  vitals.  With  wounds  and  ever 
increasing  exertion,  however,  he  grows  weaker;  but 
capture  signifies  immolation.  To  be  gazed  at,  help 
less  on  a  heathen  altar,  an  offering  to  odious  gods— 
the  thought  is  horrible — and  the  fatal  dagger  is 
still,  by  swift  movements,  driven  to  the  hilt.  And 
now  the  battle  cry  of  Santiago  to  the  rescue  I  rings 
in  his  ears  and  tells  of  succor;  he  hears  a  leaden 
sound,  as  of  crushed  bone  and  flesh,  and  the  whistle 
of  descending  blades,  and  knows  that  help  is  at  hand. 
Six  horsemen  have  plunged  into  the  unequal  contest, 
and  they  scatter  the  swarthy  foe  like  sheep.  They 
gather  round  their  countryman,  support  his  exhausted 
frame,  and  carry  him  wounded  and  faint  to  a  place  of 
safety.  The  courage,  strength,  and  skill  of  this 
single  man,  and  the  valor  displayed  in  his  rescue, 
so  impressed  the  Chignautecs  that  they  retired  dis 
heartened,  regarding  their  efforts  of  no  avail  against 
such  beings,22  and  they  returned  to  their  homes. 

The  siege  had  now  lasted  a  month.  On  the  third 
day  after  the  retrograde  movement,  which  resulted  in 

2-  In  this  engagement,  for  the  Indians  were  pursued  after  Aguilar's  rescue, 
more  than  200  Chignautecs  fell,  says  Juartros.  On  the  side  of  the  Spaniards 
many  Tlascaltccs  were  slain,  among  whom  were  two  illustrious  chiefs,  Juan 
Xnchiatl  and  Oeronimo  Carrillo — the  Spanish  name  of  this  Indian  chief — 
while  of  the  Spaniards  themselves  a  considerable  proportion  received  severe 
wounds.  Gnat.,  \\.  2So.  Besides  •  Aguilar  and  tne  three  captains,  whose 
names  are  given  in  the  text,  Fueutes  mentions  also  Gutierre  de  Robles 
and  Pedro  dc  Olmos  as  having  greatly  signalized  themselves  in  this  action. 
ficcordaciou  Florida,  MS.,  16. 

HUT.  CEN.  AM.,  VOL.  I.    44 


THE    WORKS 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


THE    WORKS 


OF 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


VOLUME  IX. 


HISTORY  OF  MEXICO. 

VOL.   I.     1516-1521. 


SAN   FRANCISCO: 
A.  L.  BANCROFT  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 

1882. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  In  the  Year  1882,  by 

HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


All  Riglits  Reserved. 


HISTORY 


OF    THE 


PACIFIC   STATES 


HISTORY 


or 


THE  PACIFIC  STATES 


OF 


NORTH   AMERICA. 


BY 


HUBERT    HOWE    BANCROFT. 


VOLUME  IV. 


:VE  E  x  i  c  o 

VOL.  I.    1516-1521. 


SAN  FRANCISCO  : 
A.  L.   BANCROFT  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 

1882. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  In  the  Year  1882,  by 

.   HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


All  Riglits  Reserved. 


HISTORY  OF  MEXICO. 


CHAPTER  I. 

VOYAGE  OF  HERNANDEZ  DE  C6RDOBA  TO  YUCATAN. 
1516-1517. 

A  GLANCE  AT  THE  STATE  OF  EUROPEAN  DISCOVERY  AND  GOVERNMENT  IN 
AMERICA  AT  THE  OPENING  OF  THIS  VOLUME — DIEGO  VELAZQUEZ  IN 
CUBA — CHARACTER  OF  THE  MAN — A  BAND  OF  ADVENTURERS  ARRIVES 
FROM  DARIEN — THE  GOVERNOR  COUNSELS  THEM  TO  EMBARK  IN  SLAVE- 
CATCHING — UNDER  HERNANDEZ  DE  CORDOBA  THEY  SAIL  WESTWARD  AND 
DISCOVER  YUCATAN — AND  ARE  FILLED  '  WITH  ASTONISHMENT  AT  THE 
LARGE  TOWNS  AND  STONE  TOWERS  THEY  SEE  THERE— THEY  FIGHT  THE 
NATIVES  AT  CAPE  CATOCHE — SKIRT  THE  PENINSULA  TO  CHAMPOTON — 
SANGUINARY  BATTLE — RETURN  TO  CUBA — DEATH  OF  C6RDOBA. 

DURING  the  first  quarter  of  a  century  after  the 
landing  of  Columbus  on  San  Salvador,  three  thou 
sand  leagues  of  mainland  coast  were  examined,  chiefly 
in  the  hope  of  finding  a  passage  through  to  the  India 
of  Marco  Polo.  The  Cabots  from  England  and 
the  Cortereals  from  Portugal  made  voyages  to  New 
foundland  and  down  the  east  coast  of  North  Amer 
ica;  Amerigo  Vespucci  sailed  hither  and  thither  in 
the  service  of  Spain,  and  wrote  letters  confounding 
knowledge;  Yasco  da  Gama  doubled  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope;  Columbus,  Ojeda,  Nino,  Guerra,  Bas- 
tidas,  and  Pinzon  and  Solis  coasted  the  Tierra  Firme 
of  Central  and  South  America;  Ocampo  skirted 
Cuba  and  found  it  an  island;  Cabral  accidentally 
discovered  Brazil;  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon  hunted  for 
the  Fountain  of  Youth  in  Florida;  Vasco  Nunez  de 

VOL.  I.    1 


2  VOYAGE  OF  C6RDOBA  TO  YUCATAN. 

Balboa  crossed  the  Isthmus  and  floated  his  ships  on 
the  South  Sea.  Prior  to  1517  almost  every  province 
of  the  eastern  continental  seaboard,  from  Labrador 
to  Patagonia,  had  been  uncovered,  save  those  of  the 
Mexican  Gulf,  which  casketed  wonders  greater  than 
them  all.  This  little  niche  alone  remained  wrapped 
in  aboriginal  obscurity,  although  less  than  forty 
leagues  of  strait  separated  the  proximate  points  of 
Cuba  and  Yucatan. 

Meanwhile,  in  the  government  of  these  Western 
Indies,  Columbus,  first  admiral  of  the  Ocean  Sea, 
had  been  succeeded  by  Bobadilla,  Ovando,  and  the 
son  and  heir  of  the  discoverer,  Diego  Colon,  each 
managing,  wherein  it  was  possible,  worse  than  his 
predecessor;  so  that  it  was  found  necessary  to  estab 
lish  at  Santo  Domingo,  the  capital  city  of  the  Indies, 
a  sovereign  tribunal,  to  which  appeals  might  be  made 
from  any  viceroy,  governor,  or  other  representative 
of  royalty,  and  which  should  eventually,  as  a  royal 
audiencia,  exercise  for  a  time  executive  as  well  as  ju 
dicial  supremacy.  But  before  clothing  this  tribunal 
with  full  administrative  powers,  Cardinal  Jimenez, 
then  dominant  in  New  World  affairs,  had  deter 
mined  to  try  upon  the  turbulent  colonists  the  effect 
of  ecclesiastical  influence  in  secular  matters,  and  had 
sent  over  three  friars  of  the  order  of  St  Jerome, 
Luis  de  Figueroa,  Alonso  de  Santo  Domingo,  and 
Bernardo  de  Manzanedo,  to  whose  direction  gov 
ernors  and  all  others  were  made  subject.  Just  be 
fore  the  period  in  our  history  at  which  this  volume 
opens,  the  Jeronimite  Fathers,  as  the  three  friars 
were  called,  had  practically  superseded  Diego  Colon 
at  Espanola,  and  were  supervising  Pedrarias  Ddvila 
of  Castilla  del  Oro,  Francisco  de  Garay  governor 
of  Jamaica,  and  Diego  Velazquez  governor  of  Cuba. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  Diego  Colon  had  sent 
Juan  de  Esquivel  in  1509  to  Jamaica,  where  he  was 
succeeded  by  Francisco  de  Garay;  and  Diego  Velaz 
quez  had  been  sent  in  1511  to  Cuba  to  subdue  and 


DIEGO  VELAZQUEZ.  3 

govern  that  isle,  subject  to  the  young  admiral's  dic 
tation  ;  and  beside  these,  a  small  establishment  at 
Puerto  Rico,  and  Pedrarias  on  the  Isthmus,  there 
was  no  European  ruler  in  the  regions,  islands  or  firm 
land,  between  the  two  main  continents  of  America. 

The  administration  of  the  religiosos  showed  little 
improvement  on  the  governments  of  their  predeces 
sors,  who,  while  professing  less  honesty  and  piety, 
practised  more  worldly  wisdom;  hence  within  two 
short  years  the  friars  were  recalled  by  Fonseca,  who, 
on  the  death  of  Jimenez,  had  again  come  into  power 
in  Spain,  and  the  administration  of  affairs  in  the 
Indies  remained  wholly  with  the  audiencia  of  Santo 
Domingo,  the  heirs  of  Columbus  continuing  to  agi 
tate  their  claim  throughout  the  century. 

It  was  as  the  lieutenant  of  Diego  Colon  that  Ve 
lazquez  had  been  sent  to  conquer  Cuba;  but  that 
easy  work  accomplished,  he  repudiated  his  former 
master,  and  reported  directly  to  the  crown. 

Velazquez  was  an  hidalgo,  native  of  Cuellar, 
who,  after  seventeen  years  of  service  in  the  wars 
of  Spain,  had  come  over  with  the  old  admiral  in  his 
second  voyage,  in  1493,  and  was  now  a  man  of 
age,  experience,  and  wealth.  With  a  commanding 
figure,  spacious  forehead,  fair  complexion,  large  clear 
eyes,  well-chiselled  nose  and  mouth,  and  a  narrow 
full-bearded  chin,  the  whole  lighted  by  a  pleasing 
intellectual  expression,  he  presented,  when  elegantly 
attired  as  was  his  custom,  as  imposing  a  presence  as 
any  man  in  all  the  Indies.  In  history  he  also  formed 
quite  a  figure.  And  yet  there  was  nothing  weighty 
in  his  character.  He  was  remarkable  rather  for  the 
absence  of  positive  qualities;  he  could  not  lay  claim 
even  to  conspicuous  cruelty.  He  was  not  a  bad  man 
as  times  went;  assuredly  he  was  not  a  good  man  as 
times  go.  He  could  justly  lay  claim  to  all  the  cur 
rent  vices,  but  none  of  them  were  enormous  enough 
to  be  interesting.  In  temper  he  was  naturally  mild 


4  VOYAGE  OF  C6RDOBA  TO  YUCATAN. 

and  affable,  yet  suspicious  and  jealous,  and  withal 
easily  influenced;  so  that  when  roused  to  anger,  as 
was  frequently  the  case,  he  was  beside  himself. 

Chief  assistant  in  his  new  pacification  was  Pan- 
filo  de  Narvaez,  who  brought  from  Jamaica  thirty 
archers,  and  engaged  in  the  customary  butchering, 
while  the  governor, -with  three  hundred  men,  quietly 
proceeded  to  found  towns  and  settlements,  such  as 
Trinidad,  Puerto  del  Principe,  Matanzas,  Santi  Es- 
piritu,  San  Salvador,  Habana,  and  Santiago,  making 
the  seat  of  his  government  at  the  place  last  named, 
and  appointing  alcaldes  in  the  several  settlements. 
Other  notable  characters  were  likewise  in  attendance 
on  this  occasion,  namely,  the  clerigo  Las  Casas, 
Francisco  Hernandez  de  C6rdoba,  Juan  de  Grijalva, 
and  Hernan  Cortes. 

Discreet  in  his  business,  and  burdened  by  ho  coun 
teracting  scruples,  Velazquez  and  those  who  were 
with  him  prospered.  Informed  of  this,  above  one 
hundred  of  the  starving  colonists  at  Darien  obtained 
permission  from  Pedrarias  in  1516  to  pass  over  to 
Cuba,  and  were  affably  received  by  the  governor. 
Most  of  them  were  well-born  and  possessed  of  means ; 
for  though  provisions  were  scarce  at  Antigua,  the 
South  Sea  expeditions  of  Vasco  Nunez,  Badajoz,  and 
Espinosa,  had  made  gold  plentiful  there.  Among  this 
company  was  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,* a  soldier  of 
fortune,  who  had  come  from  Spain  to  Tierra  Firme 
in  1514,  and  who  now  engages  in  the  several  expedi 
tions  to  Mexico,  and  becomes,  some  years  later,  one 
of  the  chief  historians  of  the  conquest. 

Ready  for  any  exploit,  and  having  failed  to  receive 
certain  repartimientos  promised  them,  the  band  from 
Tierra  Firme  cast  glances  toward  the  unknown  west. 
The  lesser  isles  had  been  almost  depopulated  by  the 
slave-catchers,  and  from  the  shores  of  the  adjoining 
mainland  the  affrighted  natives  had  fled  to  the  inte 
rior.  It  was  still  a  profitable  employment,  however, 
for  the  colonists  must  have  laborers,  and  ecclesiastics 


SLAVE-CATCHING.  5 

raw  material  for  their  manufacture.  The  governor  of 
Cuba,  particularly,  was  fond  of  the  traffic,  for  it  was 
safe  and  lucrative.  Though  a  representative  of  royal 
authority  in  America,  he  was  as  ready  as  any  irrespon 
sible  adventurer  to  break  the  royal  command.  During 
this  same  year  of  1516,  a  vessel  from  Santiago  had 
loaded  with  natives  and  provisions  at  the  Guanaja 
Islands,  and  had  returned  to  port.  While  the  captain 
and  crew  were  ashore  for  a  carouse,  the  captives  burst 
open  the  hatches,  overpowered  the  nine  men  who  Jiad 
been  left  on  guard,  and  sailed  away  midst  the  frantic 
gesticulations  of  the  captain  on  shore.  Reaching 
their  islands  in  safety,  they  there  encountered  a 
brigantine  with  twenty-five  Spaniards  lying  in  wait 
for  captives.  Attacking  them  boldly,  the  savages 
drove  them  off  toward  Darien,  and  then  burned  the 
ship  in  which  they  themselves  had  made  their  en 
forced  voyage  to  Cuba. 

As  a  matter  of  course  this  atrocious  conduct  on  the 
part  of  the  unbaptized  demanded  exemplary  punish 
ment.  To  this  end  two  vessels  were  immediately 
despatched  with  soldiers  who  fell  upon  the  inhabitants 
of  Guanaja,  put  many  to  the  sword,,  and  carried  away 
five  hundred  captives,  beside  securing  gold  to  the 
value  of  twenty  thousand  pesos  de  oro. 

Happy  in  the  thought  of  a  pastime  at  once  so 
pleasing  and  so  profitable,  the  chivalrous  one  hundred 
cheerfully  adventured  their  Darien  gold  in  a  similar 
voyage,  fitting  out  two  vessels  for  the  purpose,  and 
choosing  for  their  commander  Francisco  Hernandez 

O 

de  Cordoba,  now  a  wealthy  planter  of  Santi  Espiritu.1 

1  In  the  memorial  of  Antonio  Velazquez,  successor  of  the  adelantado,  Diego 
Velazquez,  Memorial  del  net/ociode  D.Antonio  Velazquez  de  Bazan,  in  Mendoza, 
Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  x.  80-6,  taken  from  the  archives  of  the  Indies,  the  credit  of 
this  expedition  is  claimed  wholly  for  the  governor.  Indeed,  Velazquez  him 
self  repeatedly  asserts,  as  well  as  others,  that  the  expedition  was  made  at  his 
cost.  But  knowing  the  man  as  we  do,  and  considering  the  claims  of  others, 
it  is  safe  enough  to  say  that  the  governor  did  not  invest  much  money  in  it. 
The  burden  doubtless  fell  on  Cordoba,  wha  was  aided,  as  some  think,  by  his 
associates,  Cristobal  Morante  and  Lope  Ochoa  de  Caicedo,  in  making  iip  what 
the  men  of  Darien  lacked,  Torquemada,  i.  349,  notwithstanding  the  claims 
for  his  fraternity  of  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  L  Ogilby,  Hist.  Am.,  76, 


RETURN  TO  CUBA.  11 

hostilities  of  the  natives  prevented  their  obtaining 
the  needful  supply  of  water. 

There  being  no  one  else  to  curse  except  them 
selves,  they  cursed  the  pilot,  Alaminos,  for  his  dis 
covery,  and  for  still  persisting  in  calling  the  country 
an  island.  Then  they  left  Mala  Pelea  Bay  and  re 
turned  along  the  coast,  north-eastwardly,  for  three 
days,  when  they  entered  an  opening  in  the  shore  to 
which  they  gave  the  name  of  Estero  de  los  Lagartos,11 
from  the  multitude  of  caimans  found  there.  After 
burning  one  of  the  ships  which  had  become  unsea- 
worthy,  C6rdoba  crossed  from  this  point  to  Florida, 
and  thence  proceeded  to  Cuba,  where  he  died  from 
his  wounds,  ten  days  after  reaching  his  home  at  Santi 
Espiritu. 

Diego  Velazquez  was  much  interested  in  the  details 
of  this  discovery.  He  closely  questioned  the  two  cap 
tives  about  their  country,  its  gold,  its  great  buildings, 
and  the  plants  which  grew  there.  When  shown  the 
yucca  root  they  assured  the  governor  that  they  were 
familiar  with  it,  and  that  it  was  called  by  them  tale, 
though  in  Cuba  the  ground  in  which  the  yucca  grew 
bore  that  name.  From  these  two  words,  according 
to  Bernal  Diaz,  comes  the  name  Yucatan;  for  while 
the  governor  was  speaking  to  the  Indians  of  yucca 
and  tale,  some  Spaniards  standing  by  exclaimed,  "You 
see,  sir,  they  call  their  country  Yucatan."12 

11  Pinzon  and  Solis  must  have  found  alligators  in  their  northward  cruise, 
otherwise  Peter  Martyr  could  not  honestly  lay  down  on  liis  map  of  India  Be 
yond  the  Ganges,  in  1510,  the  baya  d'  lagartos  north  of  guanase.  Mariners 
must  have  given  the  coast  a  bad  name,  for  directly  north  of  the  J?.  de  la  of 
Colon,  the  /?:.  de  lag  f  tos  of  Ribero,  the  Jt:.  de  layarls  of  Vaz  Dourado,  and 
the  /?.  de  Lagartos  of  Hood,  are  placed  some  reefs  by  all  these  chart-makers, 
and  to  which  they  give  the  name  Alacranes,  Scorpions.  The  next  name  west 
of  Lagartos  on  Map  No.  x.,  Munich  Atlas,  iaco*tuiu«a,  and  on  No.  xiii.  (>.<fn,i<-<i . 
Again  next  west,  on  both,  isMedanos.  On  No.  x.,  next  to  costa  niisa,  and  on 
No.  xiii. ,  west  of  Puntade  las  A  renew,  is  the  name  A  ncones.  Ogilby  given  here 
B.  de  Coml,  and  in  the  interior  south,  a  town  Conil;  east  of  R.  de  Lagartos  is 
also  the  town  Qvyo,  and  in  large  letters  the  name  Chuaca. 

11  *  Dezian  los  Eapanoles  q'  estavan  hablado  con  el  Diego  Velazquez,  y  con  los 
Indios:  Seitor  estos  Indioe  dizen,  quo  su  tierra  so  llama  Yucata,  y  assi  se,  quedo 
co esten6bre,  queen  proprialengua nose dizeassi.'  Jf'uf.  PerdeuL,  .">.  (ummra, 
///'*/.  lint.,  60,  states  that  after  naming  Catoche,  a  little  farther  on  the  Span 
iards  met  some  natives,  of  whom  they  asked  the  name  of  the  town  m-ar  l>y. 
Tecteta,  was  the  reply,  which  means,  'I  do  not  understand.'  The  Spaniards, 


12  VOYAGE  OF  C6RDOBA  TO  YUCATAN. 

The  people  of  this  coast  seemed  to  have  heard  of 
the  Spaniards,  for  at  several  places  they  shouted  '  Cas- 
tilians!'  and  asked  the  strangers  by  signs  if  they  did 
not  come  from  toward  the  rising  sun.  Yet,  neither 
the  glimpse  caught  of  Yucatan  by  Pinzon  and  Solis 
in  1506  while  in  search  of  a  strait  north  of  Gua- 
naja  Island  where  Columbus  had  been,  nor  the  pirat 
ical  expedition  of  C6rdoba,  in  1517,  can  properly  be 
called  the  discovery  of  Mexico.13  Meanwhile  Mexico 
can  well  afford  to  wait,  being  in  no  haste  for  those 
blessed  boons  European  civilization  and  Christianity 
are  so  desirous  of  conferring. 

accepting  this  as  the  answer  to  their  question,  called  the  country  Yectetan, 
and  soon  Yucatan.  Waldeck,  Voy.  Pittoresque,  25,  derives  the  name  from  the 
native  word  ouyouckutan,  '  listen  to  what  they  say. '  The  native  name  was  Maya. 
See  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  v.  614-34.  There  are  various  other  theories  and 
renderings,  among  them  the  following:  In  answer  to  C6rdoba's  inquiry  as  to 
the  name  of  their  country,  the  natives  exclaimed,  '  uy  u  tan,  esto  es :  oyes  como 
liahlaV  Zamncois,  Hist.  Mej.,  ii.  228.  'Que  preguntundo  a  estos  Indios,  si 
auia  en  su  tierra  aquellas  rayzes  que  se  llama  Yuca ....  Respondian  Ilatli,  por 
la  tierra  en  que  se  plantan,  y  que  de  Yuca  juntado  con  Ilatli,  se  dixo  Yucatta, 
yde  alii  Yucatan.'  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xviii.  Whencesoever  the  origin, 
it  was  clearly  a  mistake,  as  there  never  was  an  aboriginal  designation  for  the 
whole  country,  nor,  like  the  Japanese,  have  they  names  for  their  straits  or 
bays.  For  some  time  Yucatan  was  supposed  to  be  an  island.  Grijalva  called 
the  country  [sla  de  Santa  Maria  de  Remedies,  though  that  term  was  employed 
by  few.  In  early  documents  the  two  names  are  united ;  instance  the  instruc 
tions  of  Velazquez  to  Cortes,  where  the  country  is  called  la  Ysla  de  Yucatan 
Sta  Maria  de  Remedies.  On  Cortes'  chart  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  1520,  it  is 
called  Yucatan,  and  represented  as  an  island.  Colon,  1527,  and  Ribero,  1529, 
who  write  Ivcatan;  Ptolemy,  in  Munster,  1530,  fucatana;  Orontius,  on  his 
globe,  1531,  lucatans;  Munich  Atlas,  no.  iv.,  1532-40,  cucatan;  Baptista 
Agnese,  1540-50,  iucafan;  Mercator,  1569,  Ivcatan;  Michael  Lock,  1582,  In- 
coton;  Hondius,  1595,  Laet,  Ogilby,  etc.,  Yucatan,  which  now  assumes  penin 
sular  proportions. 

13  The  term  Mexico  has  widely  different  meanings  under  different  condi 
tions.  At  first  it  signified  only  the  capital  of  the  Nahua  nation,  and  it  was 
five  hundred  years  before  it  overspread  the  territory  now  known  by  that  name. 
Mexico  City  was  founded  in  1325,  and  was  called  Mexico  Tenochtitlan.  The 
latter  appellation  has  been  connected  with  Tenuch,  the  Aztec  leader  at 
this  time,  and  with  the  sign  of  a  nopal  on  a  stone,  called  in  Aztec,  re 
spectively  nochtli  and  tetl,  the  final  syllable  representing  locality,  and  the 
first,  te,  divinity  or  superiority.  The  word  Mexico,  however,  was  then 
rarely  used,  Tenochtitlan  being  the  common  term  employed;  and  this  was 
retained  by  the  Spaniards  for  some  time  after  the  conquest,  even  in 
imperial  decrees,  and  in  the  official  records  of  the  city,  though  in  the 
corrupt  forms  of  Tttmixtitan,  Tenustitan,  etc.  See  Libra  de  Cabildo,  1524-9, 
MS.  Torquemada,  i.  293,  states  distinctly  that  even  in  his  time  the  natives 
never  employed  any  other  designation  for  the  ancient  city  than  Tenochtitlan, 
which  was  also  the  name  of  the  chief  and  fashionable  ward.  Solis,  Conq. 
Mex.,  i.  390,  is  of  opinion  that  Mexico  was  the  name  of  the  ward,  Tenoch 
titlan  being  applied  to  the  whole  city,  in  which  case  Mexico  Tenochtitlan 
would  signify  the  ward  Mexico  of  the  city  Tenochtitlan.  Gradually  the 


THE  NAME  NEW  SPAIN.  19 

Next  they  came  to  a  great  opening  in  the  shore,  t<> 
which,  after  Alaminos  had  examined  it  in  a  boat,  they 
gave  the  name  of  Bahia  de  la  Ascencion,  from  the 
day  of  discovery.  Unable  to  find  a  pass  in  this  di 
rection  round  the  supposed  island  of  Yucatan,  they 
turned  back,  passed  Cozumel,  and,  rounding  the  penin 
sula,  arrived  at  Campeche  the  25th,  rescuing  on  their 
way  a  woman  from  Jamaica. 

Everywhere  they  beheld  the  same  evidences  of 
high  culture  seen  by  Cordoba,  the  tower-temples  and 
crosses  of  the  Mayas  rising  from  gracefully  outlined 
promontories,  and  glistening  white  from  behind  le- 
gended  hills,  leading  them  every  moment  to  antici 
pate  the  discovery  of  some  magnificent  city,  such  as 
in  our  day  has  been  revealed  to  an  admiring  poster 
ity;  for  while  the  East  buries  her  ancient  cities  in 
dust,  the  West  none  the  less  effectually  hides  hers 
in  foliage.  And  of  the  monuments  to  the  greatness 
of  the  past,  and  of  the  profitless  millions  here  en 
gendered,  who  shall  speak  ?  And  why  do  men  call 
nature  considerate  or  kind?  Does  she  not  create 
only  to  destroy,  and  bestow  blessings  and  cursings 
with  the  same  merciless  indifference?  Surpassingly 
lovely,  she  is  at  once  siren,  nurse,  and  sanguinary 
beldam.  This  barren  border  of  the  peninsula  rested 
under  a  canopy  of  clear  or  curtained  sky,  and  glared 
in  mingled  gloom  and  brightness  beside  the  fickle 
gulf;  and  from  the  irregular  plains  of  the  interior 
came  the  heated,  perfumed  air,  telling  here  of  tree 
less  table-lands,  of  languid  vegetation,  and  there  of 
forests  and  evergreen  groves.  "It  is  like  Spain," 
cried  one.  And  so  they  called  the  country  Nueva 
Espaiia,9  which  name,  at  first  applied  only  to  the 

9  It  was  the  crosses,  which  the  Spaniards  here  regarded  of  miraculous  origin, 
more  than  any  physical  feature  which  after  all  gave  the  name  to  these  shores. 
Corti-s  established  it  for  all  the  region  under  Aztec  sway,  and  under  the  vice 
roys  it  was  applied  to  all  the  Spanish  possessions  north  of  Guatemala,  includ 
ing  the  undefined  territories  of  California  and  New  Mexico.  I/umboldt,  i. 
Pol.,  i.  G-7.  and  others,  have  even  sln.\vn  an  inclination  to  embrace  thereun 
der  Central  America,  but  for  this  there  is  not  sufficient  authority.  Sec  .!/-  - 


20  GRIJALVA  EXPLORES  THE  MEXICAN  GULF. 

peninsula  of  Yucatan,  finally  spread  over  the  whole 
of  the  territory  afterward  known  as  Mexico. 

At  Campeche,  or  more  probably  at  Champoton,10 
occurred  a  notable  affray.  The  fleet  anchored  toward 
sunset,  half  a  league  from  shore.  The  natives  imme 
diately  put  on  a  warlike  front,  bent  on  terrible  intimi 
dations,  which  they  continued  in  the  form  of  shouts 
and  drum-beating  during  the  entire  night.  So  great 
was  their  necessity  for  water  that  the  Spaniards  did 
not  wait  for  the  morning,  but  amidst  the  arrows, 
stones,  and  spears  of  the  natives,  they  landed  the  ar 
tillery  and  one  hundred  men  before  daybreak,  another 
hundred  quickly  following.  But  for  their  cotton 
armor  the  invaders  would  have  suffered  severely 
during  this  operation.  Having  reached  the  shore, 
however,  the  guns  were  planted,  and  the  natives 

dina,  Citron,  de  San  Diego  deMex.,  227;  Lopez  Vaz,  inPnrchas,  His  Pilgrimes, 
iv.  1432,  and  GoVfriedt,  Newe  Welt,  74;  also  Torquemada,  from  Herrera,  and 
several  standard  authors.  New  Spain  was  for  a  long  time  divided  into  the 
three  kingdoms  of  New  Spain,  New  Galicia,  and  New  Leon,  each  composed 
of  several  provinces.  Under  the  administration  of  Galvez,  this  division  gave 
way  to  intendencias,  among  them  Mexico  and  a  few  provinces,  and  New  Spain 
came  to  be  limited  in  the  north  by  the  Provincias  Internas,  though  including 
for  a  time  at  least  the  Californias.  With  the  independence  the  name  New 
Spain  was  replaced  by  Mexico,  less  because  this  term  applied  to  the  leading 
province  and  to  the  capital,  than  because  the  name  was  hallowed  by  associa 
tion  with  the  traditions  of  the  people,  whose  blood  as  well  as  sympathies  con 
tained  far  more  of  the  aboriginal  element  than  of  the  imported.  On  Colon's 
map  the  name  is  given  in  capital  letters,  Nova  Spana.  Under  Nvtva  Espana 
Ribero  writes  dixose  asi  por  queai/  aquy  muclias  cosas  que  ay  en  espana  ay  ya 
mucho  trigo  q«n  (leuado  de  aca  entanta  cantidad  q  lo  pueden  ea  cargar  para 
otras  paries  ay  aquy  mucho  oro  de  nacimiento.  Robert  Thorne,  in  Hakluufs 
Voy. ,  carries  Hispania  Nona  east  and  west  through  Central  America,  while 
Ramusio,  Viaggi,  iii.  455,  places  La  Nova  Spagna  in  large  letters  across  the 
continent. 

10  It  is  remarkable,  as  I  have  often  observed,  how  two  eye-witnesses  can 
sometimes  tell  such  diametrically  opposite  stories ;  not  only  in  regard  to  time 
and  minor  incidents,  but  to  place  and  prominent  events.  In  this  instance  Diaz 
the  priest  is  no  less  positive  and  minute  in  placing  the  affair  at  Campeche, 
than  is  Diaz  the  soldier,  at  Champoton.  The  second-rate  authorities,  follow 
ing  these  two  writers  who  were  present,  are  divided,  by  far  the  greater  num 
ber,  Herrera  among  the  rest,  accepting  the  statement  of  Bernal  Diaz.  Oviedo, 
who  was  a  resident  of  the  Indies  at  the  time,  describes  the  battle  as  occurring 
at  Campeche.  Perhaps  one  reason  why  the  soldier-scribe  has  more  adherents 
than  the  priest,  is  because  the  existence  of  the  narrative  of  the  latter  was  not 
so  well  known.  Las  Casas  affirms,  Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  425,  that  the  pilot  unin 
tentionally  passed  Lazaro's  port,  or  Campeche,  and  landed  and  fought  at 
Champoton.  '  Llegaron,  pues,  al  dicho  pueblo  (que,  como  dije,  creo  que  fue" 
Champoton,  y  no  el  de  Lazaro).' 


THE  CITIES  AXD  THE  TEMPLES.  21 

charged  and  driven  back  with  the  loss  of  three  Span 
iards  slain  and  sixty  wounded,  the  commander -in- 
chief,  ever  foremost  in  the  fight,  being  three  times 
struck  and  losing  two  teeth.  Two  hundred  were  killed 
and  wounded  among  the  natives.  The  town  was 
found  deserted.  Presently  three  ancient  Americans 
appeared,  who  were  kindly  entreated,  and  despatched 
with  presents  to  the  fugitives,  but  they  never  re 
turned.  Two  nights  were  spent  ashore,  the  tower 
and  sacred  edifices  adjacent  being  used  as  barracks. 

Embarking,  soon  a  large  opening  in  the  coast  was 
discovered,  and  entered  by  Grijalva,  the  chaplain 
says,  the  last  day  of  May.  Puerto  Deseado11  the 
commander  called  his  anchorage,  being  the  desired 
spot  in  which  might  be  repaired  the  leaky  ships. 
The  Spaniards  thought  themselves  at  first  at  the 
mouth  of  a  river,  but  on  further  examination,  it  ap 
peared  to  them  more  like  a  sea.  Whereupon  the 
pilot  Alaminos,  who,  notwithstanding  .evidence  to 
the  contrary,  notwithstanding  three  days'  exploring, 
left  this  salt-sheet  still  landlocked,  never  ceased  in 
sisting  that  Yucatan  was  an  island,  and  he  now 
gravely  assured  his  commander  that  the  great  open 
ing  opposite  Amatique  Bay  and  Golfo  Dulce,  or  if 
that  were  too  far,  then  opposite  Chetumal  or  Ascerir 
sion,  confirmed  his  suppositions,  and  settled  the 
matter  in  his  mind  that  this  was  the  termination  of 
the  islands;  hence  the  names  Boca  de  Terminos,  and 
Laguna  de  Terminos,12  which  followed.  The  temples 

11  Puerto  Escondido.  On  the  maps  of  Colon  and  Hood  it  is  placed  as  one 
of  the  eastern  entrances  of  the  Laguna  de  Terminos,  the  former  writing  p. 
desendo,  and  the  latter  P.  dcs'mdo;  Gomara  places  the  Laguna  de  Tcnnlnoa 
between  Puerto  Deseado  and  Rio  Grijalva.  On  Ribero's  map,  north  of  Escon 
dido,  is/«  </er, Vaz  Dourado  marking  in  the  same  locality/^:,  #cij°  anujratriste, 
I  Jumpier  gives  Boca  Eschondido,  and  Jefferys,  Boca  E8con<1'«l>i. 

'-'  \\'lii/(|in.'X  had  instructed  his  captain  to  sail  round  the  island  of  Yucatan. 
Cortes,  in  1519,  ordered  Escobar  to  survey  this  sheet,  which  was  found  to  be 
a  bay  and  shallow.  Still  the  pilots  and  chart-makers  wrote  it  down  ;m  island. 
It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  in  the  earliest  drawings,  like  Colon's,  in  1.V27,  the 
maker  appears  undecided,  but  Ribero,  two  years  later,  boldly  severs  the 
]i<  ninsula  from  the  continent  with  a  strait.  8ee  GoldschmidCs  Cartog.  Pac. 
Coast,  MS.,  i.  412-14.  The  earliest  cartographers  all  write  tt.nnino#,  Ribero 
marking  a  small  stream  flowing  into  the  lagoon,  .ft:,  de  x  piano*.  Here  also 


TABASCO.  23 

streams.  Boldly  in  the  front  stood  the  heights  at 
present  known  as  San  Gabriel;  beyond  continued  the 
flat,  monotonous  foreground  of  a  gorgeous  picture,  as 
yet  but  dimly  visible  save  in  the  ardent  imaginings 
of  the  discoverers. 

The  two  smaller  vessels  only  could  enter  this 
river  of  Tabasco,  which,  though  broad,  was  shallow- 
mouthed;  and  this  they  did  very  cautiously,  advanc 
ing  a  short  distance  up  the  stream,  and  landing  at 
a  grove  of  palm-trees,  half  a  league  from  the  chief 
pueblo.  Upon  the  six  thousand15  natives  who  here 
threatened  them,  they  made  ready  to  fire;  but  by 
peaceful  overtures  the  sylvan  multitude  were  brought 
to  hear  of  Spain's  great  king,  of  his  mighty  preten 
sions,  and  of  the  Spaniards'  inordinate  love  of  gold. 
The  green  beads  the  natives  thought  to  be  stone 
made  of  their  chalchiuite,  which  they  prized  so 
highly,  and  for  which  they  eagerly  exchanged  food. 
Having  a  lord  of  their  own  they  knew  not  why  these 
rovers  should  wish  to  impose  upon  thorn  a  new  mas 
ter;  for  the  rest  they  were  fully  prepared,  if  neces 
sary,  to  defend  themselves.  During  this  interview, 
at  which  the  interpreters,  Melchior  and  Julian,  as 
sisted,  the  word  Culhua,16  meaning  Mexico,  was  often 
mentioned  in  answer  to  demands  for  gold,  from 

15  It  is  Las  Casas  who  testifies  to  6,000;  Bernal  Diaz  enumerates  50  canoes; 
Herrera  speaks  of  three  Xiquipiles  of  8,000  men  each,  standing  ready  in  that 
vicinity  to  oppose  the  Spaniards,  waiting  only  for  the  word  to  be  given. 

16  Not  'Culba,  Culba,  Mexico,  Mexico,'  as  Bernal  Diaz  has  it.     The  na 
tives   pronounced   the   word   Culhua   only;    but   this    author,   finding  that 
Culhua  referred  to  Mexico,  puts  the  word  Mexico  into  the  .mouth  of  Tabasco 
and  his  followers.     Long  before  the  Aztecs,  a  Toltec  tribe  called  the  Acol- 
huas,  or  Culhuas,  had  settled  in  the  valley  of  Mexico.     The  name  is  more 
ancient  than  that  of  Toltec,  and  the  Mexican  civilization  might  perhaps  as 
appropriately  be  called  Culhua  as  Nahua.     The  name  is  interpreted  '  crooked  ' 
from  coloa,  bend;  also  '  grandfather '  from  colli.     Colhuacan  might  therefore 
signify  Land  of  Our  Ancestors.     Under  Toltec  dominion  a  tripartite  confed 
eracy  had  existed  in  the  valley  of  Anahuac,  and  when  the  Aztecs  became  the 
ruling  nation,  this  alliance  was  reestablished.     It  was  composed  of  the  Acol- 
hua,  Aztec,  and  Tepanec  kingdoms,  the  Aztec  king  assuming  the  title  Culhua 
Tecuhtli,  chief  of  the  Culhuas.     It  is  evident  that  the  Culhuas  had  become 
known  throughout  this  region  by  their  conquests,  and  by  their  culture,  supe 
rior  as  it  was  to  that  of  neighboring  tribes.     The  upstart  Aztecs  were  only  too 
proud  to  identify  themselves  with  so  renowned  a  people.     The  name  Culhua 
was  retained  among  the  surrounding  tribes,  and  applied  before  Grijalva  to 
the  Mexican  country,  where  gold  was  indeed  abundant. 


24  GRIJALVA  EXPLORES  THE  MEXICAN  GULF. 

which  the  Spaniards  inferred  that  toward  the  west 
they  would  find  their  hearts'  desire.  Then  thuy  re 
turned  to  their  ships. 

In  great  state,  unarmed,  and  without  sign  of  fear, 
Tabasco  next  day  visited  Grijalva  on  board  his  vessel. 
He  had  already  sent  roasted  fish,  fowl,  maize  bread, 
and  fruit,  and  now  he  brought  gold  and  feather- work. 
Out  of  a  chest  borne  by  his  attendants  was  taken  a 
suit  of  armor,  of  wood  overlaid  with  gold,  which  Ta 
basco  placed  upon  Grijalva,  and  on-  his  head  a  golden 
helmet,  giving  him  likewise  masks  and  breast-plates 
of  gold  and  mosaic,  and  targets,  collars,  bracelets,  and 
beads,  all  of  beaten  gold,  three  thousand  pesos  in  value. 
With  the  generous  grace  and  courtesy  innate  in  him, 
Grijalva  took  up  a  crimson  velvet  coat  and  cap  which 
he  had  on  when  Tabasco  entered,  also  a  pair  of  new 
red  shoes,  and  in  these  brilliant  habiliments  arrayed 
the  chieftain,  to  his  infinite  delight. 

The  Spaniards  departed  from  Tabasco  with  further 
assurances  of  friendship,  and  two  days  later  sighted  the 
pueblo  of  Ahualulco,  which  they  named  La  Rambla, 
because  the  natives  with  tortoise-shell  shields  were 
observed  hurrying  hither  and  thither  upon  the  shore. 
Afterward  they  discovered  the  river  Tonala,  which 
was  subsequently  examined  and  named  San  Antonio;17 
then  the  Goazacoalco,18  which  they  could  not  enter 
owing  to  unfavorable  winds;  and  presently  the  great 
snowy  mountains  of  New  Spain,  and  a  nearer  range, 
to  which  they  gave  the  name  San  Martin,19  in  justice 

17  'Deis  grosse  Fest  des  heiligen  Antonius  von  Padua  fallt  auf  den  13  Juni, 
und  dies  giebt  uns  also  eine  Gelegenheit  eines  der  Daten  der  Reise  des  Gri 
jalva,  deren  uns  die  Berichterstatter,  wie  immer,  nur  wenige  geben,  genau 
festzusetzen.'  Kohl,  Beiden  alteaten  Karten,  105.     Cortes,  in  his  chart  of  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  1520,  calls  it  Santo  Anton;  Fernando  Colon,  1.V27,  /.'.  <!>'  fa 
Balsa,  with  the  name  O,  de  8.  anlon  to  the  gulf;  Ribero,  1529,  r:  <le  S(l'»n; 
Globe  of  Orontius,  15,31,  C.  S.  ato;  Vaz  Dourado,  1571,  rio  de  S.  ana;  Hood, 
1592,  R.  de  S.  Antonio,  etc.     For  Santa  Ana  Dampier  in  1099  lays  down  St. 
.  1  HUH,  and  Jefferys  in  1776,  B.  St.  Ann. 

18  Cortes  calls  it  Jtio  de  totuqttalquo;  Colon,  R.  de  gasacalcos;  Ribero,  /.'.  dr. 
guasacalco;  Orontius,  /,'.  ,/,  //;/«/</<>;  Vaz  Dourado,  R.°  dedeguaqaqa;  Hood, 
//.  <l,    1  ;„„••„  :  Mercator,  Quacatjualco ;   De  Laet,  Ogilby,  R.  de  Gu<r.w,ml<-u; 
Jefferys,  R.  Guazacalo;  Dampier,  R.  Guazacoalco  or  Guashigwalp. 

J*  Colon  gives  it,  Sierra*  de  San  mrti;  Vaz  Dourado,  «ercw  de  S.  inar'in; 


THE  RIO  DE  BANDERAS.  25 

to  the  soldier  who  first  saw  it.  Overcome  by  his 
ardor,  Pedro  de  Alvarado  pressed  forward  his  faster- 
sailing  ship,  and  entered  before  the  others  a  river 
called  by  the  natives  Papaloapan,  but  named  by  his 
soldiers  after  the  discoverer;20  for  which  breach  of 
discipline  the  captain  received  the  censure  of  his  com 
mander.  The  next  stream  to  which  they  came  was 
called  Rio  de  Banderas,21  because  the  natives  appeared 
in  large  numbers,  carrying  white  flags  on  their  lances. 
With  these  white  flags  the  natives  beckoned  the 
strangers  to  land;  whereupon  twenty  soldiers  were 
sent  ashore  under  Francisco  de  Montejo,  and  a  favor 
able  reception  being  accorded  them,  the  commander 
approached  with  his  ships  and  landed.  The  utmost 
deference  was  paid  the  guests,  for,  as  will  hereafter 
more  fully  appear,  the  king  of  kings,  Lord  Monte- 
zuma,  having  in  his  capital  intelligence  of  the  strange 
visitors  upon  his  eastern  seaboard,  ordered  them  to 
be  reverentially  entertained.  In  the  cool  shade  was 
spread  on  mats  an  abundance  of  provisions,  while 
fumes  of  burning  incense  consecrated  the  spot  and 
made  redolent  the  air.  The  governor  of  this  prov 
ince  was  present  with  two  subordinate  rulers,  and 
learning  what  best  the  Spaniards  loved,  he  sent  out 
and  gathered  them  gold  trinkets  to  the  value  of  fif 
teen  thousand  pesos.  So  valuable  an  acquisition  im 
pelled  Grijalva  to  claim  once  more  for  Charles,  one  of 
the  natives,  subsequently  christened  Francisco,  acting 
as  interpreter.  After  a  stay  of  six  days  the  fleet 
sailed,  passing  a  small  island,  white  with  sand,  which 

Hood,  Sierras  de  S*-  min;  Ogilby,  Sierras  de  S.  Martin;  Dampier,  St.  Martin's 
Hiyh  Land,  and  St.  Martin's  Point.  This  soldier,  San  Martin,  was  a  native 
of  Habana. 

20  Herrera  makes  the  Indian  name  Papaloava ;  Bernal  Diaz,  Papalohuna, 
Cortes,  1520,  and  Orontius,  1531,  give  R.  d  alvarado;   Colon,  1527,  R:  del 
comendador  aluarado;  Kibero,  1529,  R:.  de  Aluarado;  Vaz  Dourado,  1571, 
7?°.  deAlluorado,  etc.     '  Die  Karte  von  1527  hat  den  Rio  del  comendador  Alva 
rado  etwaa  weiter  westlich,  jenseits  des  Rio  de  banderas,  welches  keineswegs 
mit  den  Berichten  des  Bernal  Diaz  iibereinstimmt.  '  Kohl,  Beiden  altexten 
Karten,  106. 

21  Some  of  the  early  maps  place  this  stream  incorrectly  east  of  the  Papa 
loapan;  where  Ribero  writes  P.  delgada,  first  east  from  £:  de  uanderds,  Vaz 
Dourado  writes  p;.  de 


RISE  OF  HERXAN  CORTES.  37 

temerity  to  demand  three  thousand  ducats.  The 
proposition  was  not  for  a  moment  to  be  entertained; 
the  job  must  be  accomplished  for  less  money. 

Watchful  eyes  saw  the  governor's  dilemma,  and 
artful  tongues  wagged  opportunely.  Near  to  him  in 
their  daily  vocations  were  two  men,  both  small  in 
stature,  but  large  of  head,  and  broad  in  experience  and 
sagacity.  One  was  the  governor's  secretary,  Andres 
de  Duero,  and  the  other  the  royal  contador,  Amador 
de  L&res.  Both  possessed  rare  attainments;  they 
were  skilled  in  every  artifice,  and  could  make  their 
master  see  white  or  black;  while  Ldres  could  not 
write,  he  had  not  failed  to  profit  by  a  twenty -two 
years'  career  in  Italy,  during  which  time  he  rose  to 
the  honorable  distinction  of  chief  butler  to  the  Gran 
Capitan,  and  he  seldom  found  it  difficult  to  move  the 
unstable  Velazquez  to  his  purposes,  although  they 
were  not  always  the  purest  and  best.14  Following  the 
example  of  the  governor,  these  two  worthies  were 
not  averse  to  improving  their  fortunes  by  securing,  at 
little  risk  or  expense,  an  interest  in  the  New  Spain 
conquest;  and  so  they  gave  heed  when  the  alcalde  of 
Santiago  softly  insinuated  that  he  was  the  man  for 
the  emergency,  and  that  if  they  would  help  him  to 
the  command  they  should  share  the  profits.15 

The  alcalde  of  Santiago  bore  a  fair  reputation,  con 
sidering  the  time  and  place;  for  comparatively  few 
names  in  the  New  World  were  then  wholly  free  from 
taint.  In  the  prime  of  manhood,  his  age  being  thirty- 
three,  of  full  medium  stature,  well-proportioned  and 
muscular,  with  full  breast,  broad  shoulders,  square  full 
forehead,  small  straight  spare  compact  body  and  well 

14  Las  Casas  regarded  him  as  a  schemer,  and  often  warned  Velazquez 
against  '  Veintidos  aflos  de  Italia.'  Hat.  Intl.,  iv.  447.  He  calls  him  like 
wise  'Bnrgalta'  and  '  homhre  astutisimo.' 

1  Que  partirian,'  says  Bernal  Diaz,  Hi«t.  Verdad.,  13,  *  entre  todos  tres 
la  ganancia  del  oro,  y  plata,  y  joyas,  de  la  parte  que  le  cupiesse  a  Cortes,' 
and  also,  growls  Las  Casas,  UN  supra— knowledge  of  the  facts  as  yet  being 
but  rumor — what  Cortes  could  steal  from  the  king  and  the  governor  was  sub- 
joct  to  division,  beside  what  he  would  rob  from  the  natives. 


38  RETURN  OF  GRIJALVA— A  NEW  EXPEDITION. 

turned  limbs,  though  somewhat  bow-legged,  he  pre 
sented  a  pleasing  rather  than  imposing  front.  His 
portraits  show  fine  antique  features,  bearing  a  some 
what  sad  expression,  which  was  increased  by  the 
grave  tenderness  of  the  dark  oval  eyes.  The  full 
though  thin  beard,  cut  short,  counteracted  to  some 
extent  the  effect  of  the  small  ash-colored  face,  and 
served  to  cover  a  deep  scar  on  the  lower  lip,  the 
memento  of  a  duel  fought  in  behalf  of  a  certain  frail 
fair  one. 

He  was  an  exceedingly  popular  alcalde;  there  was 
nothing  staid  or  sombre  in  his  method  of  administer 
ing  justice.  The  law  was  less  to  him  than  expedi 
ency,  and  his  standard  of  right  was  easily  shifted, 
according  to  circumstances.  In  wit  and  vivacity  he 
was  a  Mercutio.  Astute  of  intellect,  discreet,  of  a 
cheerful,  even  jovial  disposition,  with  brilliant  intui 
tions  and  effervescent  animal  spirits,  he  knew  how  to 
please,  how  to  treat  every  man  as  best  he  liked  to  be 
treated.  A  cavalier  of  the  Ojeda  and  Balboa  type, 
he  was  superior  to  either.  He  would  not,  like  the 
former,  woo  danger  for  the  mere  pleasure  of  it,  nor, 
like  the  latter,  tamely  trust  his  forfeited  head  to  any 
governor.  Life  was  of  value  to  him;  yet  adventure 
was  the  rhythm  of  it,  and  the  greater  the  peril  the 
greater  the  harmony  secured.  An  hidalgo  of  respect 
able  antecedents,  whatever  he  might  have  been,  or 
might  be,  he  now  played  the  part  of  magistrate  to 
perfection.  As  a  matter  of  course,  he  was  thoroughly 
inoculated  with  the  religious  views  of  the  day;  other 
wise,  as  he  well  knew,  he  would  prove  an  unfit  execu 
tioner  of  heathen.  Indeed,  the  friars  forever  praised 
him  as  one  of  their  best  and  sharpest  implements ;  he 
made  it  a  point  that  they  should.  The  moral  ideal 
of  the  Japanese  is  politeness.  Politeness  is  virtue. 
They  do  not  say  that  lying  and  stealing  are  wrong, 
but  impolite.  While  the  alcalde  if  pressed  must  con 
fess  himself  an  optimist,  believing  that  whatever  is, 
is  best,  yet  in  practice  that  best  he  would  better,  and 


CORTES  OBTAINS  THE  APPOINTMENT.  39 

whatsoever  his  strength  permitted,  it  was  right  for 
him  to  do.  He  was  a  sort  of  Mephistopheles,  decked 
in  manners  and  guided  by  knowledge.  Besides  the 
world,  he  knew  books,  and  how  to  make  somewhat  of 
them.  Of  the  nobility  school  of  righteousness,  he 
was  never  so  much  a  devil  as  when  most  serving 
God.  Possessed  of  vehement  aspirations,  his  ambi 
tion  was  of  the  aggressive  kind;  not  like  that  of 
Velazquez,  mercenary  and  timid.  Like  Tigellinus 
Sophonius,  it  was  to  his  pleasing  person  and  unscru 
pulous  character  that  the  alcalde  owed  his  rise  from 
poverty  and  obscurity;  and  now,  like  Phaethon,  if 
for  one  day  he  might  drive  the  governor's  sun-chariot 
across  the  heavens,  it  would  be  his  own  fault  if  he 
were  not  a  made  man.  This  much  at  this  time  we 
may  say  of  Hernan16  Cortes,  for  such  was  the  al 
calde's  name;  which  is  more  than  he  could  say  for 
himself,  not  knowing  himself  as  we  know  him,  and 
more  than  his  associates  could  say  of  him.  Here 
after  as  his  character  develops  we  shall  become  further 
acquainted  with  him.  It  is  as  difficult  to  detect  the 
full-grown  plant  in  a  seed  as  in  a  stone,  and  yet  the 
seed  will  become  a  great  tree,  while  the  stone  remains 
a  stone. 

And  so,  with  the  aid  of  his  loving  friends  Duero 
and  Ldres,  whose  deft  advice  worked  successfully  on 
the  plastic  mind  of  Velazquez,  and  because  he  pos 
sessed  some  money  and  many  friends,  as  well  as 
courage  and  wisdom,  the  alcalde  of  Santiago  was 
proclaimed  captain-general  of  the  expedition.17  And 

16  Hernan,  Hernando,  Fernan,  Fernando,  Ferdinando.  The  names  are  one. 
With  no  special  preference,  I  employ  the  former,  used  by  the  best  writers. 
Among  the  early  authorities,  Soils,  the  Spanish  translator  of  De,  Rebus  Gestis 
Ferdinand*  Cortesii,  and  many  others,  write  Hernan;  Pizarro  y  Orellaua, 
Varones  flvstres,  Fernan ;  Bernal  Diaz  and  Oviedo,  Hernando ;  Gomara,  Fer 
nando.  In  accordance  with  the  Spanish  usage  of  adding  the  mother's  surname, 
he  is  sometimes,  though  rarely,  called  Corte"s  y  Pizarro.  For  portrait  ami 
signature  I  refer  the  reader  to  Alaman,  Divert.,  i.  app.  i.  15-16 ;  portrait  as  an 
old  man;  Clavigrro,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  6-8;  Prescott'n  Mex.,  iii.  1;  Id.,  (ed. 
Mex.,  1846,  iii.  210-11);  ArminAlte  Mex.t  82,  plate  from  the  painting  in  the 
Concepcion  Hospital  at  Mexico;  March  y  Labores,  Marina  Esjjaiiola,  i.  4(>ii. 
17  In  making  out  the  commission  Duero  stretched  every  point  in  favor  of 
his  friend,  naming  him  captain -general  of  lands  discovered  and  to  be  dis- 


ADVEXTUBES  OF  AGUILAR.  83 

able  sin.  So  sublime  had  been  his  patience  and  his 
piety  under  the  drudgery  at  first  put  upon  him,  that  he 
too  rose  in  the  estimation  of  his  master,  who  was  led 
to  entrust  him  with  more  important  matters.  For  in 
all  things  pertaining  to  flesh  and  spirit  he  had  been 
as  conscientious  as  Father  Tom's  dog  or  the  pope's 
mule,  neither  of  which  would  eat  until  after  mass  on 
any  Sunday  or  holiday.  To  test  his  wonderful  in 
tegrity,  for  he  had  noticed  that  Aguilar  never  raised 
his  eyes  to  look  upon  a  woman,  Taxmar  once  sent 
him  for  fish  to  a  distant  station,  giving -him  as  sole 
companion  a  beautiful  girl,  who  had  been  instructed 
to  employ  all  her  arts  to  cause  the  Christian  to  break 
his  vow  of  continency.  Care  had  been  taken  that 
there  should  be  but  one  hammock  between  them,  and 
at  night  she  bantered  him  to  occupy  it  with  her;  but 
stopping  his  ears  to  the  voice  of  the  siren,  he  threw 
himself  upon  the  cold,  chaste  sands,  and  passed  the 
night  in  peaceful  dreams  beneath  the  songs  of  heaven.18 
Cortes  smiled  somewhat  sceptically  at  this  and  like 
recitals,  wherein  the  sentiments  expressed  would  have 
done  honor  to  Scipio  Africanus ;  nevertheless,  he  was 

18  This  is  in  substance  the  ad  ventures  of  Aguilar,  as  related  at  length  in  Her- 
rera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  vii.-viii. ,  followed  by  Torquemada,  i.  370-72,  and  Cocjol- 
ludo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  24-9,  and  prettily,  though  hastily,  elaborated  in  Irviny's 
Columbia,  iii.  290-301,  and  other  modern  writers.  On  reaching  Catoche  and 
finding  Ordaz  gone,  he  proceeded  to  Cozumel,  in  the  hope  of  finding  some  of 
the  Spaniards.  '  Era  Aguilar  estudiante  quando  passo  a  las  Indias,  y  hombre 
discrete,  y  por  esto  se  puede  creer  qualquiera  cosa  del,'  concludes  Herrera, 
as  if  suspecting  that  the  version  may  be  questioned.  Prudence  is  shown  in  the 
care  with  which  he  gradually  accustomed  himself  to  the  change  of  food  and 
habits  on  again  joining  the  Spaniards.  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iv.  cap.  vi.,  relatesthat 
Aguilar's  mother  became  insane  on  hearing  that  her  son  had  fallen  among  can 
nibals — who  brought  her  the  news  it  is  hard  to  guess — and  whenever  she  beheld 
flesh  roasting,  loud  became  the  laments  for  his  sad  fate.  This  is  repeated  in 
Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  22;  Martinez,  Hist.  Nat.  Nueva  Esp.,  ii.  xxiv.  Her 
rera,  who  cannot  avoid  mixing  in  all  the  romance  possible,  makes  him  search 
for  means  to  cross  the  strait.  He  finds  at  last  a  leaky  canoe  half  buried  in  the 
sand,  and  in  this  frail  skiff  he  and  the  Indian  companion  presented  by  his  late 
master  managed  to  gain  the  island.  Others  give  him  Cortes'  messengers  for 
companions.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  18,  very  reasonably  permits  him  to 
hire  a  canoe  with  six  rowers,  for  he  has  beads  to  pay  for  it,  and  canoes  would 
riot  be  wanting,  since  the  island  was  a  resort  for  pilgrims,  particularly  at  this 
very  time.  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  175-76,  fails  not  to  recognize,  in  the  com 
pulsory  return  of  the  fleet  to  Cozumel,  and  in  the  finding  of  Aguilar,  the  hand 
of  God;  and  Torquemada,  i.  370,  eagerly  elaborates  the  miraculous  features  in 
the  appearance  of  this  Aaron,  who  is  to  be  the  mouth-piece  of  his  Moses. 


PAINFUL  SUSPENSE.  109 

The  stone,  however,  was  recovered,  and  consecrated 
on  the  summit  of  the  great  temple,  in  1512,  with  the 
blood  of  over  twelve  thousand  captives.4 

And  now  Montezuma  almost  wishes  the  calamities 
lie  fears  were  already  upon  him,  so  full  of  dread  and 
dire  oppression  is  he.  Priests,  chiefs  of  wards,  and 
other  officials,  says  Tezozomoc,  are  commanded  to 
ascertain  and  impart  all  dreams  and  strange  occur 
rences  relating  to  a  coming  people  or  to  the  throne. 
Wise  and  politic  as  he  is,  he  does  not  seem  to  know 
that  this  is  only  placing  himself  and  his  malady  at 
the  mercy  of  the  masses.  Who  could  not  conjure 
up  visions  under  such  a  summons?  Some  old  men 
immediately  come  forward  with  a  dream,  wherein 
Huitzilopochtli's  image  is  overthrown  and  his  temple 
burned  to  the  ground,  leaving  no  vestige.  Certain 

4  Torquemada  assumes  that  the  12,210  victims  comprised  also  those  offered 
at  the  consecration  of  two  new  templos,  Tlamatzinco  and-  Quauhxicalli. 
See  Native  If  aces,  v.  471.  Tezozomoc  relates  that  the  laborers,  after  striving 
in  vain  to  move  the  stone  from  its  original  site,  heard  it  utter,  in  a  muffled 
voice,  '  Your  efforts  are  in  vain ;  I  enter  not  into  Mexico. '  The  incident  finds 
a  parallel  in  the  vain  effort  of  Tarquin  to  remove  certain  statues  of  the  gods, 
to  make  room  for  Jupiter's  temple,  and  in  the  firm  adherence  of  Apollo'a 
head  to  the  ground,  shortly  before  the  death  of  th  Roman  ruler.  But 
recovering  from  their  alarm,  they  tried  again,  and  now  the  stone  moved 
almost  of  its  own  accord.  Another  halt  is  made,  a  second  oracle  delivered, 
and  finally  the  stone  reaches  the  bridge,  where  it  disappears  into  the  water. 
Amid  the  invocation  of  priests,  divers  descend  in  search,  only  to  come  back 
with  the  report  that  no  vestige  of  it  is  to  be  found ;  but  there  is  a  fathomless  pit 
extending  toward  Chalco.  While  diviners  are  cudgelling  their  brains  for  clues, 
in  comes  a  messenger  to  announce  that  the  stone,  like  the  Penates  of  ^Eneas, 
had  returned  to  its  original  site,  arrayed  in  all  the  sacrificial  ornaments. 
Observing  in  this  occurrence  the  divine  will,  Montezuma  let  the  stone  remain, 
and  recognizing  at  the  same  time  a  menace  to  himself,  perhaps  of  speedy 
death,  he  ordered  his  statue  to  be  at  once  sculptured  by  the  side  of  his  pre 
decessors,  on  the  rocky  face  of  Chapultepec  Hill.  Tezozomoc  describes  the 
statue.  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  204-7.  Duran,  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,ii.  313-27.  Clavigero, 
Sloria  Mess. ,  i.  292-3.  Among  the  troubles  which  after  this  fell  upon  the 
doomed  people  arc  mentioned:  An  earthquake  in  1513.  Codex.  Tel.  linn.,  in 
KinysboroutjtCa  Mex.  Antitj.,  v.  154.  A  locust  plague.  '  Vieronse  gran  canti- 
dad  de  mariposas,  y  langostas,  quo  passauan  de  buelo  hazia  el  Occidentc.' 
f/crrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  ix.  A  deluge  in  Tuzapan,  and  a  fall  of  snow 
which  overwhelmed  the  army  en  route  for  Amatlan.  While  crossing  the 
mountains,  rocks  and  trees  came  tumbling  down  upon  them,  killing  a  large 
number,  while  others  froze  to  death.  Ixtlilxochitl  places  this  in  1514. 
Others  say  1510.  During  the  Soconusco  campaign,  see  Native  Races,  v.  472, 
the  ground  opened  near  Mexico,  and  threw  up  water  and  fish.  The  Indians 
interpreted  this  to  signify  a  victory,  but  the  lord  of  Culhuacan  intimated, 
with  a  shake  of  the  head,  that  one  force  expelled  another,  whereat  Monte 
zuma  'a  delight  somewhat  abated.  'Quando  prendio  Cortes  a  entrambos,  se 
occordo  (Montezuma)  muy  bien  de  aquellas  palabras. '  JJerrera,  ubi  sup. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  MIGHTY  PEOJECT  IS  CONCEIVED. 
MAY,.  1519. 

SERIOUS  DILEMMA  OF  CORTES — AUTHORITY  WITHOUT  LAW — MONTEJO  SENT 
NORTHWARD — RECOMMENDS  ANOTHER  ANCHORAGE — DISSENSIONS  AT 
VERA  CRUZ — PROMPT  AND  SHREWD  ACTION  OF  CORTES — A  MUNICI 
PALITY  ORGANIZED — CORTES  RESIGNS— AND  is  CHOSEN  LEADER  BY  THE 
MUNICIPALITY — VELAZQUEZ'  CAPTAINS  INTIMATE  REBELLION — CORTES 
PROMPTLY  ARRESTS  SEVERAL  OF  THEM — THEN  HE  CONCILIATES  THEM 
ALL — IMPORTANT  EMBASSY  FROM  CEMPOALA — THE  VEIL  LIFTED — THE 
MARCH  TO  CEMPOALA — WHAT  WAS  DONE  THERE — QUIAHUIZTLAN — THE 
COMING  OF  THE  TRIBUTE  GATHERERS — How  THEY  WERE  TREATED — 
GRAND  ALLIANCE, 

AT  this  point  in  his  career  Hernan  Cortes  found 
himself  less  master  of  the  situation  than  suited  him. 
The  color  of  his  command  was  not  sufficiently  pro 
nounced.  He  had  no  authority  to  settle ;  he  had  no 
authority  to  conquer;  he  might  only  discover  and 
trade.  He  did  not  care  for  Velazquez ;  anything  that 
pertained  to  Velazquez  he  was  prepared  to  take.  But 
Velazquez  had  no  legal  power  to  authorize  him  further. 
Cortes  cared  little  for  the  authorities  at  Espafiola ;  the 
king  was  his  chief  dependence ;  the  king  to  whose  favor 
his  right  arm  and  mother  wit  should  pave  the  way. 
Some  signal  service,  in  the  eyes  of  the  monarch, 
might  atone  for  slight  irregularities ;  if  he  failed,  the 
severest  punishments  were  already  come.  But  where 
was  the  service?  Had  Montezuma  granted  him  an 
interview,  he  might  make  report  of  that,  and  find 
listeners.  As  it  was,  he  could  land  and  slay  a  few 
thousand  natives,  but  his  men  would  waste  away  and 
no  benefits  accrue.  Nevertheless,  if  he  could  plant 

(131) 


180  THE  SINKING  OF  THE  FLEET. 

valor  and  discretion  they  would  adventure  their  li\ 
With  most  men  beliefs  are  but  prejudices,  and  opinion.; 
tastes.  These  Spaniards  not  only  believed  in  their 
general,  but  they  held  to  a  most  impetuous  belief  in 
themselves.  They  could  do  not  only  anything  that 
any  one  else  ever  had  done  or  could  do,  but  they  could 
command  the  supernatural,  and  fight  with  or  against 
phantoms  and  devils.  They  were  a  host  in  themselves ; 
besides  which  the  hosts  of  Jehovah  were  on  their  side. 
And  Cortes  measured  his  men  and  their  capabilities, 
not  as  Xerxes  measured  his  army,  by  filling  suc 
cessively  a  pen  capable  of  holding  just  ten  thousand; 
he  measured  them  rather  by  his  ambition,  which  was 
as  bright  and  as  limitless  as  the  firmament.  Already 
they  were  heroes,  whose  story  presently  should  vie  iu 
thrilling  interest  with  the  most  romantic  tales  of  chiv 
alry  and  knight-errantry,  and  in  whom  the  strongest 
human  passions  were  so  blended  as  to  lift  them  for  a 
time  out  of  the  hand  of  fate  and  make  their  fortunes 
their  own.  The  thirst  for  wealth,  the  enthusiasm  of 
religion,  the  love  of  glory,  united  with  reckless  daring 
and  excessive  loyalty,  formed  the  most  powerful  in 
centives  to  action.  Life  to  them  without  the  attain 
ment  of  their  object  was  valueless;  they  would  do  or 
die;  for  to  die  in  doing  was  life,  whereas  to  live  failing 
was  worse  than  death.  Cortes  felt  all  this,  though  it 
scarcely  lay  on  his  mind  in  threads  of  tangible  thought. 
There  was  enough  however  that  was  tangible  in  his 
thinkings,  and  exceedingly  troubling.  Unfortunately 
the  mind  and  heart  of  all  his  people  were  not  of  the 
complexion  he  would  have  them.  And  those  ships. 
And  the  disaffected  me*n  lying  so  near  them,  looking 
wistfully  at  them  every  morning,  and  plotting,  and 
plotting  all  the  day  long.  Like  the  Palatinate  to 
Turcnne,  like  anything  that  seduced  from  the  stern 
purposes  of  Cortes,  it  were  better  they  were  not. 

This  thought  once  flashed  into  his  mind  fastened 
itself  there.  And  it  grew.  And  Cortds  grew  with  it, 
until  the  man  and  the  idea  filled  all  that  country,  and 


A- DARING  RESOLVE.  181 

became  the  wonder  and  admiration  of  the  world. 
Destroy  the  ships !  Cut  off  all  escape,  should  such  be 
needed  in  case  of  failure !  Burn  the  bridge  that  spans 
time,  and  bring  to  his  desperate  desire  the  aid  of  the 
eternities !  The  thought  of  it  alone  was  daring ;  more 
fearfully  fascinating  it  became  as  Cortes  dashed  along 
toward  Cempoala,  and  by  the  time  he  had  reached  his 
destination  the  thing  was  determined,  and  he  might 
with  Csesar  at  the  Rubicon  exclaim,  Jacta  est  alea! 
But  what  would  his  soldiers  say?  They  must  be  made 
to  feel  as  he  feels,  to  see  with  his  eyes,  and  to  swell 
with  his  ambition. 

The  confession  of  the  conspirators  opened  the  eyes 
of  Cortes  to  a  fact  which  surely  he  had  seen  often 
enough  before,  though  by  reason  of  his  generous 
nature  which  forgot  an  injury  immediately  it  was  for 
given,  it  had  not  been  much  in  his  mind  of  late,  namely, 
that  too  many  of  his  companions  were  lukewarm,  if 
not  openly  disaffected.  They  could  not  forget  that 
Cortes  was  a  common  man  like  themselves,  their 
superior  in  name  only,  and  placed  over  them  for 
the  accomplishment  of  this  single  purpose.  They 
felt  they  had  a  right  to  say  whether  they  would 
remain  and  take  the  desperate  chance  their  leader 
seemed  determined  on,  and  to  act  on  that  right  with 
or  without  his  consent.  And  their  position  assuredly 
was  sound;  whether  it  was  sensible  depended  greatly 
on  their  ability  to  sustain  themselves  in  it.  Cortes 
was  exercising  the  arbitrary  power  of  a  majority  to 
drive  the  minority  as  it  appeared  to  their  death.  They 
had  a  perfect  right  to  rebel;  they  had  not  entered  the 
service  under  any  such  compact.  Cortes  himself  was 
a  rebel;  hence  the  rebellion  of  the  Velazquez  men, 
being  a  rebelling  against  a  rebel,  was  in  truth  an  ad 
herence  to  loyalty.  Here  as  everywhere  it  was  might 
that  made  right;  and,  indeed,  with  the  right  of  these 
matters  the  narrator  has  little  to  do. 

Success,  sha,me,  fear,  bright  prospects,  had  all  lent 
their  aid  to  hold  the  discontented  in  check,  but  in 


NATURE'S  GLORIES. 


regions,  and  at  the  close  of  the  second  day  is  read  KM  I 
the  beautiful  Jalapa,3  a  halting  -place  between  tho 
border  of  the  sea  and  the  upper  plateau. 

There  they  turn  with  one  accord  and  look  bark. 
How  charming  !  how  inexpressibly  refreshing  are 
these  approaching  highlands  to  the  Spaniards,  so 
lately  from  the  malarious  Isthmus  and  the  jungle- 
covered  isles,  and  whose  ancestor's  not  long  since  hud 
held  all  tropics  to  be  uninhabitable;  on  the  border, 
too,  of  Montezuma's  kingdom,  wrapped  in  the  soft 
folds  of  perpetual  spring.  Before  the  invaders  are 
the  ardent  waters  of  the  gulf,  instant  in  their  humane 

Eilgrimage  to  otherwise  frozen  and  uninhabitable 
mds;  before  them  the  low,  infectious  tierra  caliente 
that  skirts  the  lofty  interior  threateningly,  like  the 
poisoned  garment  of  Hercules,  with  vegetation  bloated 
by  the  noxious  air  and  by  nourishment  sucked  from 
the  putrid  remains  of  nature's  opulence,  while  over  all, 
filled  with  the  remembrance  of  streams  stained  san 
guine  from  sacrificial  altars,  passes  with  sullen  sighs 
the  low-voiced  winds.  But  a  change  comes  gradually 
as  the  steep  ascent  is  made  that  walls  the  healthful 
table  -land  of  Andhuac.  On  the  templada  terrace 
new  foliage  is  observed,  though  still  glistening  with 
sun  -painted  birds  and  enlivened  by  parliaments  of 
monkeys.  Insects  and  flowers  bathe  in  waves  of 
burning  light  until  they  display  a  variety  of  colors 
as  wonderful  as  they  are  brilliant,  while  from  cool 
canons  rise  metallic  mists  overspreading  the  warm 
hills.  Blue  and  purple  are  the  summits  in  the  dis 
tance,  and  dim  glowing  hazy  the  imperial  heights 
beyond  that  daily  baffle  the  departing  sun.  And  <>n 
the  broad  plateau,  whose  rich  earth  with  copious 


9  Meaning  'Spring  in  the  Sand.'  Rivera,  Hist.  Jcdapa,  i.  app.7.  'Ylaprinn  ra, 
jornado  fuimos  u  vn  pueblo,  que  se  dize  Xalapa.'  Bernat  D'ntz,  Il'mi.  I    rcfod., 
41.    But  the  road  was  too  long  for  one  day's  march.    I  may  here  observe  that 
Bernal  Diaz  is  remarkably  faulty  in  his  account  of  this  march  and  of  the  cam 
paign  into  Tlascala,  and  this  is  admitted  by  several  writers,  who  never!!: 
follow  him  pretty  closely.    The  place  is  known  the  world  over  for  its  fairs  an  I 
productions,  particularly  for  the  drug  bearing  its  name,  and  is  famous  in  the 
neighboring  districts  for  its  eternal  spring  and  beautiful  surroundings. 
HIST.  MEX.,  VOL.  I.    13 


194  MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 

of  gold  and  grain  allures  to  cultivation,  all  the  realm 
are  out  of  doors  keeping  company  with  the  sun. 
From  afar  comes  the  music-laden  breeze  whispering 
its  secrets  to  graceful  palms,  aloft  against  the  sky, 
and  which  bend  to  meet  the  confidence,  while  the 
little  shrubs  stand  motionless  with  awe.  Each  cluster 
of  trees  repeats  the  story,  and  sings  in  turn  its  own 
matin  to  which  the  rest  are  listeners.  At  night,  how 
glittering  bright  with  stars  the  heavens,  which  other 
wise  were  a  shroud  of  impenetrable  blackness.  In 
this  land  of  wild  Arcadian  beauty  the  beasts  are 
free,  and  man  keeps  constant  holiday.  And  how  the 
hearts  of  these  holy  marauders  burned  within  them 
as  they  thought,  nothing  doubting,  how  soon  these 
glories,  should  be  Christ's,  and  Spain's,  and  theirs. 

The  boundary  of  the  Totonac  territory  was  crossed, 
and  on  the  fourth  day  the  army  entered  a  province 
called  by  Cortes  Sienchimalen,.  wherein  the  sway  of 
Montezuma  w^as  still  maintained.  This  made  no 
difference  to  the  Spaniards,  however,  for  the  late 
imperial  envoys  had  left  orders  with  the  coast  gov 
ernors  to  treat  the  strangers  with  every  consider 
ation.  Of  this  they  had  a  pleasing  experience  at 
Xicochimalco,*  a  strong  fortress  situated  on  the  slope 
of  a  steep  mountain,  to  which  access  could  be  had 
only  by  a  stairway  easily  defended.  It  overlooked 
a  sloping  plain  strewn  with  villages  and  farms, 
mustering  in  all  nearly  six  thousand  warriors.5  With 
replenished  stores  the  expedition  began  to  ascend  the 
cordillera  in  reality,  and  to  approach  the  pine  forests 
which  mark  the  border  of  the  tierra  fria.  March 
ing  through  a  hard  pass  named  Nombre  de  Dios,6 
they  entered  another  province  defended  by  a  fortress, 


*  Identified  with  Naulinco.  Lorenzana,  Vlage,  p.  ii. 

5  Cortes  refers  to  a  friendly  chat  with  the  governor,  who  mentioned  the 
orders  he  had  received  to  offer  the  Spaniards  all  necessities.   Cartas,  57. 

6  '  Por  ser  el  primero  que  en  estas  tierras  habiaraos  pasado.     El  cual  es  tan 
agro  y  alto,  que  no  lo  hay  en  Espaua  otro.'  Cortes,  Cartas,  57.     '  Hoy  se  llama 
el  Paso  del  Obispo.''  Lorenzana,  ubi  sup.    'Ay  en  ella  muchas  parras  con  vuas, 
y  arboles  co  miel.'  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  68. 


IMPORTANT  BATTLES.  203 

only  reply  being  showers  of  arrows,  darts,  and  stou«  ., 
Cortes  gave  the  "  Santiago,  and  at  them !"  and 
charged.  The  enemy  retreated  with  the  face  to 
their  pursuers,  enticing  them  toward  some  broken 
ground  intersected  by  a  creek,  where  they  found 
themselves  surrounded  by  a  large  force,  some  bearing 
the  red  and  white  devices  of  Xicotencatl.  Missiles 
\\vre  .showered,  while  double-pointed  spears,  swords, 
and  clubs  pressed  closely  upon  them,  wielded  by 
bolder  warriors  than  those  whom  the  Spaniards  had 
hitherto  subdued.  Many  were  the  hearts  that 
quaked,  and  many  expected  that  their  last  moment 
had  come;  "for  we  certainly  were  in  greater  peril 
than  ever  before,"  says  Bernal  Diaz.  "None  of  us 
will  escape!"  exclaimed  Teuch,  the  Cempoalan  chit  f. 
but  Marina  who  stood  by  replied  with  fearless  confi 
dence:  "The  mighty  God  of  the  Christians,  who 
loves  them  well,  will  let  no  harm  befall  them."28  The 
commander  rode  back  and  forth  cheering  the  men, 
and  giving  orders  to  press  onward,  and  to  keep  well 
together.  Fortunately  the  pass  was  not  long,  and 
soon  the  Spaniards  emerged  into  an  open  field,  where 
the  greater  part  of  the  enemy  awaited  them,  estimated 
in  all,  by  different  authorities,  at  from  thirty  thousand 
to  one  hundred  thousand.29 

How  long  was  this  to  continue,  each  new  armed 
host  being  tenfold  greater  than  the  last?  Yet  once 
again  the  Spaniards  whet  their  swords,  and  prepare 
for  instant  attack,  as  determined  to  fight  it  out  to 
the  death,  as  Leonidas  and  his  brave  Spartans  at 
the  pass  of  Thermopylae.  The  cavalry  charged  with 
loose  reins,  and  lances  fixed  on  a  range  with  the 
heads  of  the  enemy,  opening  a  way  through  the  dense 
columns  and  spreading  a  confusion  which  served  the 


lf<  rrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  v.  A  pious  conquistador  who  was  present, 
says  Duran,  told  me  that  many  wept,  wishing  they  had  never  been  born,  and 
cursing  the  marquis  for  having  led  them  into  such  danger.  Hint.  Jim'..  M^.. 
ii.  417. 

29  Tapia  gives  the  higher  and  Herrera  the  lower  figure,  wliile  Ixtlilxochitl 
makes  it  80,000. 


204  MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 

infantry  well.  Bernal  Diaz  relates  how  a  body  of 
natives,  determined  to  obtain  possession  of  a  horse, 
surrounded  an  excellent  rider  named  Pedro  de  Moron, 
who  was  mounted  upon  Sedeno's  fine  racing  mare, 
dragged  him  from  the  saddle,  and  thrust  their  swords 
and  spears  through  the  animal  in  all  directions. 
Moron  would  have  been  carried  off  but  for  the  in 
fantry  coming  to  his  rescue".  In  the  struggle  which 
ensued  ten  Spaniards  were  wounded,  while  four  chiefs 
bit  the  dust.  Moron  was  saved  only  to  die  on  the 
second  day,  but  the  mare  was  secured  by  the  natives 
and  cut  into  pieces,  which  were  sent  all  over  the 
state  to  afford  opportunity  for  triumphal  celebrations. 
The  loss  was  greatly  regretted,  since  it  would  divest 
the  horses  of  their  terrifying  character.  Those  pre 
viously  killed  had  been  secretly  buried.  The  battle 
continued  until  late  in  the  afternoon,  without  enabling 
the  Indians  to  make  any  further  impression  on  the 
Spanish  ranks  than  inflicting  a  few  wounds,  while 
their  own  were  rapidly  thinning  under  the  charges  of 
the  cavalry  and  the  volleys  of  artillery  and  firelocks^ 
The  slaughter  had  been  particularly  heavy  among 
the  chiefs,  and  this  was  the  main  reason  for  the  re 
treat  which  the  enemy  now  began,  in  good  order.80 
Their  actual  loss  could  not  be  ascertained,  for  with 
humane  devotion  the  wounded  and  dead  were  carried 
off  the  moment  they  were  stricken;  and  in  this  con 
stant  self-sacrificing  effort  the  Tlascaltecs  lost  many 
lives  and  advantages.  Robertson  regards  with  sus 
picion  the  accounts  of  the  great  battles  fought  during 
the. conquest,  wherein  Indians  fell  by  the  score  while 

30  During  the  battle  one  of  the  late  Cempoalan  envoys  recognized  the  cap 
tain  who  had  bound  him  for  sacrifice,  and  with  Cortes'  permission  he  sent  him 
a  challenge.  The  duel  was  held  in  front  of  the  armies,  and  after  a  tough 
struggle  the  Cempoalan,  with  a  feint,  threw  his  opponent  off  guard,  and 
secured  his  head,  which  served  as  a  centre-piece  during  the  Cempoalan  vic 
tory  celebration.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  vi.  This  author  also  relates 
that  one  of  the  final  acts  of  the  battle  was  the  capture  by  Ordaz,  with  60  men, 
of  a  pass.  'Les  matamos  muchos  Indios,  y  entre  ellos  ocho  Capitanes  muy 
principales,  hijos  de  los  viejos  Caciques. '  Five  horses  were  wounded  and  fifteen 
soldiers,  of  whom  one  died.  The  other  chronicles  admit  of  110  dead.  Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  44. 


SUPERIORITY  OF  EUROPEAN  ARMS.  205 

the  Spaniards  stood  almost  unscathed,  and  Wilson 
ridicules  the  whole  campaign,  reducing  the  Tlascalan 
population,  for  instance,  to  about  ten  thousand,  with 
a  fighting  force  of  less  than  one  thousand  men.  Such 
remarks  certainly  show  a  want  of  familiarity  with 
the  subject.31  We  have  often  seen,  in  the  New  World 
wars,  a  thousand  naked  Americans  put  to  flight  by 
ten  steel-clad  Europeans,  and  I  have  clearly  given 
the  reasons.  When  we  look  at  the  Indians,  with  their 
comparatively  poor  weapons,  their  unprotected  bodies, 
their  inefficient  discipline  and  tactics,  whereby  only  a 
small  portion  of  their  force  could  be  made  available, 
the  other  portion  serving  rather  as  an  obstruction, 
their  custom  of  carrying  off  the  dead,  and  other  weak 
points,  and  when  we  contrast  them  with  the  well 

81  Robertson,  Hist.  Am.,  ii.  38-9;  Wilson's  Conq.  Mex.,  360-70;  Brnzoid, 
Hint.  Mondo  Nvovo.  51.  It  is  seldom  that  I  encounter  a  book  which  I  am 
forced  to  regard  as  beneath  censure.  He  who  prints  and  pays  the  printer 
generally  has  something  to  say,  and  generally  believes  something  of  what  he 
says  to  be  true.  An  idiot  may  have  honest  convictions,  and  a  knave  may 
have  talents,  but  where  a  book  carries  to  the  mind  of  the  reader  that  its 
author  is  both  fool  and  knave,  that  is,  that  he  writes  only  foolishness  and  does 
not  himself  believe  what  he  says,  I  have  not  the  time  to  waste  in  condemning 
such  a  work.  And  yet  here  is  a  volume  purporting  to  be  A  New  History 
of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  written  by  Robert  Aiiderson  Wilson,  and  bearing 
date  Philadelphia,  1859,  which  one  would  think  a  writer  on  the  same  subject 
should  at  least  mention.  The  many  and  magnificent  monuments  which  to  the 
present  day  attest  the  great  number  and  high  culture  of  the  Xahua  race,  and 
the  testimony  to  this  effect  offered  by  witnesses  on  all  sides,  are  ignored  by 
him  with  a  contempt  that  becomes  amusing  as  the  pages  reveal  his  lack  of 
investigation  and  culture.  Indeed,  the  reader  need  go  no  further  than  the 
introduction  to  be  convinced  on  the  latter  point.  Another  amusing  feature  is 
that  the  work  pretends  to  vindicate  the  assertions  of  Las  Casas,  who,  in  truth, 
extols  more  than  other  Spanish  author  the  vast  number  and  advanced  culture 
of  the  natives.  In  addition  to  this  mistaken  assumption,  which  takes  away 
his  main  support,  he  states  that  Prescott  worked  in  ignorance  of  his  subject 
and  his  authorities,  and  to  prove  the  assertion  he  produces  wrongly  applied  or 
distorted  quotations  from  different  authors,  or  assumes  meanings  that  were 
in  ATI'  intended,  and  draws  erroneous  conclusions.  Thus  it  is  he  proves  to  his 
own  satisfaction  that  Mexico  City  was  but  a  village  occupied  by  savages  of  the 
Iroquois  stamp,  and  that  Cortes  was  the  boastful  victor  over  little  bands  of 
naked  red  men.  As  for  the  ruins,  they  were  founded  by  Phoenician  colonists 
in  remote  ages.  Another  tissue  of  superficial  observations,  shaped  by  bigotry 
and  credulous  ignorance,  was  issued  by  the  same  author  under  the  title  of 
Mt.rico  (t ml  its  Religion,  New  York,  1853,  most  enterprisingly  reprinted  iu 
the  disguise  of  Mexico:  its  Peasant*  and  its  Priests,  New  York,  1856.  In 
common  with  Mr  Morgan,  and  others  of  that  .-tnmp,  Mr  Wilson  seems  to 
have  deemed  it  incumbent  on  him  to  traduce  Mr  Trescott  and  his  work, 
apparently  with  the  view  of  thereby  attracting  attention  to  himself.  Such 
men  are  not  worthy  to  touch  the  hem  of  Mr  Prescott's  garment;  they  are 
not  worthy  of  mention  in  the  same  category  with  him. 


206  MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 

armored  Spaniards,  with  their  superior  swords  and 
lances,  their  well  calculated  movements,  and  their  con 
certed  action  carried  out  under  strict  and  practised 
officers,  and  above  all  their  terror-inspiring  and  rav 
aging  fire-arms  and  horses — how  can  we  doubt  that 
the  latter  must  have  readily  been  able  to  overcome 
vast  numbers  of  native  warriors?  It  was  soon  so 
understood  in  Europe.  For  once  when  Cortes  was 
in  Spain  he  scoffed  at  certain  of  his  countrymen 
for  having  fled  before  a  superior  force  of  Moors, 
whereupon  one  remarked:  "This  fellow  regards  our 
opponents  like  his,  of  whom  ten  horsemen  can  put 
to  flight  twenty -five  thousand."  In  the  retreat  of 
the  Ten  Thousand,  who  under  Cyrus  had  invaded 
Persia,  we  have  an  example  of  the  inadequacy  of 
numbers  against  discipline.  Though  for  every  Greek 
the  Persians  could  bring  a  hundred  men,  yet  the 
effeminate  Asiatic  absolutely  refused  to  meet  the 
hardy  European  in  open  conflict.  ^Eschylus  was 
inspired  by  personal  experience  in  his  play  of  the 
Persians  when  he  makes  the  gods  intimate  to  the 
wondering  Atossa,  the  queen-mother,  that  free  Athe 
nians,  umvhipped  to  battle,  could  cope  successfully 
with  the  myriads  of  despotic  Xerxes.  The  poor 
Americans  had  yet  to  learn  their  own  weakness,  and 
to  pay  dearly  for  the  knowledge. 

"It  well  seems  that  G-od  was  he  who  fought  for  us 
to  enable  us  to  get  free  from  such  a  multitude,"  says 
Cortes.  He  attempted  no  pursuit,  but  hastened  to 
take  possession  of  Tecohuatzinco,  a  small  town  on  the 
hill  of  Tzompachtepetl,82  where  they  fortified  them 
selves  upon  the  temple  pyramid,  and  proceeded  to 
celebrate  the  victory  with  songs  and  dances,  a  per 
formance  wherein  the  allies  took  the  leading  part. 

T1  Lorenzana,  Viage,  ix.,  wherein  the  appearance  of  the  hill  is  described 
as  the  bishop  saw  it.  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  292;  Ca-margo,  Hist.  Tlax., 
146.  Other  authors  differ.  'Teoatzinco,  cioe  il  luogo  dell'acqua  divina.' 
Claviyero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  44.  Duran  assumes  that  the  battle  was  for  the 
possession  of  this  place,  which  he  calls  Tecoac.  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  418,422; 
Tezozomoc,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  256.  'Aldea  de  pocas  casas,  que  tenia  vna  torrezilla 
y  teplo. '  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. ,  74. 


THE  VALLEY  OF  MEXICO.  203 

pressing  onward  against  the  chilling  winds  which 
swept  down  from  its  frozen  heights,  and  before  Ion- 
they  were  tramping  through  the  snow  which  covered 
the  summit. 

Here  they  were  cheered  by  a  sight  which  made 
them,  for  the  moment  at  least,  forget  their  hard 
ships.  A  turn  in  the  road  disclosed  the  valley  of 
Mexico — the  object  of  their  toil  and  suffering — 
stretching  from  the  slope  of  the  forest-clad  ranges  at 
their  feet  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  and  presenting 
one  picturesque  intermingling  of  green  prairies,  golden 
fields,  and  blooming  gardens,  clustering  round  a  series 
of  lakes.  Towns  lay  thickly  sprinkled,  revealed  by 
towering  edifices  and  gleaming  walls,  and  conspicu 
ous  above  all,  the  queen  city  herself,  placidly  reposing 
upon  the  mirrored  surface  of  the  larger  water.  Above 
her  rose  the  cypress-crowned  hill  of  Chapultepec,  with 
its  stately  palace  consecrated  to  the  glories  of  Aztec 
domination.23 

The  first  transport  over,  there  came  a  revulsion 
of  feeling.  The  evidently  dense  population  of  the 
valley  and  the  many  fortified  towns  confirmed  the 
mysterious  warnings  of  the  allies  against  a  pow 
erful  and  warlike  people,  and  again  the  longing  for 
the  snug  and  secure  plantations  of  Cuba  found  ex 
pression  among  the  faint-hearted,  as  they  shivered  in 
the  icy  blast  and  wrapped  themselves  the  closer  in 
the  absence  of  food  and  shelter.  In  this  frame  of 
mind  the  glistening  farm-houses  seemed  only  so  many 
troops  of  savage  warriors,  lurking  amidst  the  coj> 
and  arbors  for  victims  to  grace  the  stone  of  sacrifice 
and  the  festive  board;  and  the  stately  towns  appeared 
impregnable  fortresses,  which  promised  only  to  become 
their  prisons  and  graves.  So  loud  grew  the  murmur 

huatl,  which  skirts  Mount  Telapon.  This  was  the  road  recommended  by 
Ixtlilxochitl,  leading  through  Calpulalpan,  where  he  promised  to  join  him 
with  his  army;  but  Cortes  preferred  to  trust  to  his  own  arms  and  to  his  Tlas- 
caltoc  followers.  Torquemada,  i.  442. 

23  'Dezian  algunos  Castellanos,  que  aquella  era  la  tierra  para  sti  bm-iiii 
dicha  prometida,  y  que  mientras  mas  Moros,  mas  ganaucia. '  //.  rrt  ru,  tkv.  ii. 
lib.  vii.  cap.  iii. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

MEETING  WITH  MONTEZUMA. 
NOVEMBER,  1519. 

SOMETHING  OF  THE  CITY  — THE  SPANIARDS  START  FROM  IZTAPALAFAN  — 
REACH  THE  GREAT  CAUSEWAY — THEY  ARE  MET  BY  MANY  NOBLES — 
AND  PRESENTLY  BY  MONTEZUMA — ENTRY  INTO  MEXICO — THEY  ARK 
QUARTERED  IN  THE  AXAYACATL  PALACE— INTERCHANGE  OF  VISITS. 

FROM  Iztapalapan  the  imperial  city  of  the  great 
plateau  could  clearly  be  seen,  rising  in  unveiled  white 
ness  from  the  lake.  Almost  celestial  was  its  beauty 
in  the  eyes  of  the  spoilers ;  a  dream  some  called  it,  or, 
if  tangible,  only  Venice  was  like  it,  with  its  imposing 
edifices  sparkling  amid  the  sparkling  waters.  Many 
other  places  had  been  so  called,  but  there  was  no 
other  New  World  Venice  like  this. 

Sweeping  round  in  sheltering  embrace  were  the 
green  swards  and  wood -clad  knolls  on  the  shore, 
studded  with  tributary  towns  and  palatial  structures, 
crowned  with  foliage,  or  peeping  forth  from  groves, 
some  venturing  nearer  to  the  city,  and  into  the  very 
lake.  "  We  gazed  with  admiration,"  exclaims  Bernal 
Diaz,  as  he  compares  with  the  enchanted  structures 
described  in  the  Amadis  their  grand  towers,  cues, 
and  edifices,  rising  in  the  lake,  and  all  of  masonry. 

Let  us  glance  at  the  people  and  their  dwellings; 
for  though  we  have  spoken  of  them  at  length  else 
where,  we  cannot  in  this  connection  wholly  pass 
them  by. 

Two  centuries  back,  the  Aztecs,  then  a  small  and 

(275) 


276  MEETING  WITH  MONTEZUMA. 

despised  people,  surrounded  and  oppressed  by  enemies, 
had  taken  refuge  on  some  islets  in  the  western  part 
of  the  saline  lake  of  Mexico,  and  there  by  divine 
command  they  had  founded  the  city  which,  under  tin- 
title  of  Mexico  Tenochtitlan,  was  to  become  the  capi 
tal  of  Andhuac.  The  first  building  was  a  temple  of 
rushes,  round  which  the  settlement  grew  up,  spreading 
rapidly  over  the  islets,  and  on  piles  and  filled  ground. 
The  city  was  enlarged  and  beautified  by  successive 
rulers,  and  when  first  beheld  by  the  Spaniards  it  had 
attained  its  greatest  extent — one  it  never  again  ap 
proached — and  was  reputed  to  be  about  twelve  miles 
in  circumference.  This  area  embraced  a  large  suburb 
of  several  villages  and  towns  with  independent  names, 
containing  in  all  sixty  thousand  houses,  equivalent  to 
a  population  of  three  hundred  thousand.1 

Four  great  avenues,  paved  with  hard  cement,  ran 
crosswise  from  the  cardinal  points,  and  divided  the 
city  into  as  many  quarters,  which  were  again  subdi 
vided  into  wards.2 

Three  of  the  avenues  were  connected  in  a  straight 
line,  or  nearly  so,  with  the  main  land  by  means  of 
smooth  causeways,  constructed  of  piles  filled  up  with 
rubble  and  debris.  The  shortest  of  these  was  the 
western,  leading  to  Tlacopan,  half  a  league  distant, 
and  bordered  all  the  way  with  houses.  They  were 
wide  enough  for  ten  horsemen  to  ride  abreast,  and 
were  provided  at  intervals  with  bridges  for  the  free 
fiow  of  water8  and  of  traffic.  Near  their  junction 
with  the  city  were  drawbridges,  and  breastworks  for 
defence.  A  fourth  causeway,  from  the  Chapultepec 
summer  palace,  served  to  support  the  aqueduct  which 

1  The  ruins  of  the  old  city,  clearly  traced  by  Humboldt,  showed  that  it 
must  have  been  of  far  greater  extent  than  the  capital  raised  upon  its  site-  by 
the  Spaniards.     This  is  also  indicated  by  the  size  of  the  markets  and  temple 
courts.    The  reason  is  to  be  found  partly  in  the  former  prevalence  of  one-story 
houses  with  courts  inclosed. 

2  For  ancient  and  modern  names  of  quarters  see  Native  Races,  ii.  563. 
"Cortes  believed  that  the  waters  ebbed  and  flowed,  Carton,  102-3,  and 

Peter  Martyr  enlarged  on  this  phenomenon  with  credulous  wonder,  dec.  v. 
cap.  iii. 


CITY  OF  MEXICO.  27? 

carried  water  from  the  mountain  spring  in  that  vi 
cinity. 

Round  the  southern  part  of  the  city  stretched  a 
semicircular  levee,  three  leagues  in  length  and  thirty 
feet  in  breadth,  which  had  been  constructed  in  the 
middle  of  the  preceding  century  to  protect  the  place 
from  the  torrents  which  after  heavy  rains  came  rush 
ing  from  the  fresh-water  lakes  of  Xochimilco  and 
Chalco.  This  levee  was  the  chief  resort  of  the 
people — during  the  day  for  bustling  merchants  and 
boat  crews,  during  the  evening  for  promenaders,  who 
came  to  breathe  the  fresh  air  soft-blown  from  the 
lake,  and  to  watch  the  setting  sun  as  it  gilded  the 
summits  of  Popocatepetl  and  his  consort. 

Traffic,  as  may  be  supposed,  was  conducted  chiefly 
by  canals  guarded  by  custom-houses,  lined  with 
quays,  and  provided  in  some  places  with  docks. 
Upon  these  abutted  narrow  yet  well  lighted  cross 
streets,  connected  by  bridges,  and  leading  to  a  num 
ber  of  open  squares,  the  largest  of  which  were  the 
market-places  in  Tlatelulco  and  Mexico  proper, 
wherein  as  many  as  one  hundred  thousand  people 
are  said  to  have  found  room. 

Viewed  architecturally  and  singly,  the  buildings 
did  not  present  a  very  imposing  appearance,  the 
greater  portion  being  but  one  story  in  height.  This 
monotony,  however,  was  relieved  to  a  great  extent 
by  the  number  of  temples  sacred  to  superior  and  local 
deities  which  were  to  be  seen  in  every  ward,  raised 
high  above  the  dwellings  of  mortals,  on  mounds 
of  varying  elevations,  and  surmounted  by  towering 
chapels.  Their  fires,  burning  in  perpetual  adoration 
of  the  gods,  presented  a  most  impressive  spectacle 
at  night.  The  grandest  and  most  conspicuous  of 
them  all  was  the  temple  of  Huitzilopochtli,  which 
stood  in  the  centre  of  the  city,  at  the  junction  of  the 
four  avenues,  so  as  to  be  ever  before  the  eyes  of 
the  faithful.  It  formed  a  solid  stone-faced  pyramid 
about  375  feet  lon  and  300  feet  broad  at  the  base, 


27S  MEETING  WITH  MONTEZUMA, 

325  l>y  2.")0  feet  at  the  summit,  and  rose  in  five  super 
imposed,  perpendicular  terraces  to  the  height  of  8G 
feet.  Each  terrace  receded  six  feet  from  the  edge  of 
the  one  beneath,  and  the  stages  were  so  placed  that 
a  circuit  had  to  be  made  of  each  ledge  to  gain  the 
succeeding  flight,  an  arrangement  equally  suited  for 
showy  processions  and  for  defence.  Surrounding  the 
pyramid  was  a  battlemeiited  stone  wall  4800  feet 
in  circumference,  and  through  this  led  four  gates, 
surmounted  by  arsenal  buildings,  facing  the  four 


avenues.* 


The  pyramid  was  quite  modern,  and  owed  its  erec 
tion  to  Ahuitzotl,  who  for  two  years  employed  upon 
it  an  immense  force  of  men,  bringing  the  material 
from  a  distance  of  three  or  four  leagues.  It  was 
completed  in  1486,  and  consecrated  with  thousands  of 
victims.  The  rich  and  devout  brought,  while  it  was 
building,  a  mass  of  treasures,  which  were  "buried  in 
the  mound  as  an  offering  to  the  gods,  and  served  sub 
sequently  as  a  powerful  incentive  for  the  removal  of 
every  vestige  of  the  structure.  The  present  cathedral 
occupies  a  portion  of  the  site.8 

The  appearance  of  the  city  was  likewise  improved 
by  terraces  of  various  heights  serving  as  foundation 
for  the  dwellings  of  rich  traders,  and  of  the  nobles 
who  were  either  commanded  to  reside  at  the  capital 
or  attracted  by  the  presence  of  the  court.  Their 
1  louses  were  to  be  seen  along  the  main  thorough 
fares,  differing  from  the  adobe,  mud,  or  rush  huts  of 
the  poor,  in  being  constructed  of  porous  tetzontli 
stone,  finely  polished  and  whitewashed.  Every  house 
stood  by  itself,  separated  by  narrow  lanes  or  by  gar 
dens,  and  inclosing  one  or  more  courts.  Broad  steps 
led  up  the  terrace  to  two  gates,  one  opening  on  the 

4  For  a  description  of  the  interior  see  Native  Races,  ii.  582-8. 
•'Ramirez  and  Carbajal  Espiuosa  define  the  limits  pretty  closely  with 
respect  to  the  modern  outline  of  the  city,  Hist.  Mcx.,  ii.  226-9,  and  notes  in 
•  - 


'•otCa  Mex.  (eel.  M«x.  1843),  ii.  app.  103;  but  Alamau,  in  his  Dist-rt.,  ii. 

.Mil,  etc.,  enters  at  greater  length  into  the  changes  which  the  site  has 
undergone  since  the  conquest,  supporting  his  conclusions  with  quotations  from 
the  Libro  de  Cabildo  and  other  valuable  documents. 


MONTEZUMA  APPEARS.  285 

soiled.  The  monarch,  and  his  supporters  were  simi 
larly  dressed,  in  blue  tilmatlis  which,  bordered  with 
gold  and  richly  embroidered  and  bejewelled,  hung  in 
loose  folds  from  the  neck,  where  they  were  secured 
by  a  knot.  On  their  heads  were  mitred  crowns  of 
gold  with  quetzal  plumes,  and  sandals  with  golden 
soles  adorned  their  feet,  fastenings  embossed  with 
gold  and  precious  stones.14 

Montezuma  was  about  forty  years  of  age,  of  good 
stature,  with  a  thin  though  well-proportioned  body, 
somewhat  fairer  than  the  average  hue  of  his  dusky 
race.  The  rather  long  face,  with  its  fine  eyes',  bore 
an  expression  of  majestic  gravity,  tinged  with  a 
certain  benignity  which  at  times  deepened  into  ten 
derness.  Hound  it  fell  the  hair  in  a  straight  fringe 
covering  the  ears,  and  met  by  a  slight  growth  of 
black  beard.15 

With  a  step  full  of  dignity  he  advanced  toward 
Cortes,  who  had  dismounted  to 'meet  him.  As  they 
saluted,16  Montezuma  tendered  a  bouquet  which  he 
had  brought  in  token  of  welcome,  while  the  Span 
iard  took  from  his  own  person  and  placed  round  the 
neck  of  the  emperor  a  showy  necklace  of  glass,  in 

14  For  dress,  see  Native  Rices,  ii.  178  et  seq.     Corte"s  gives  sandals  only  to 
Montezuma,  but  it  appears  that  persons  of  royal  blood  were  allowed  to  retain 
them  before  the  emperor,  as  Ixtlilxochitl  also  affirms.  Hist.  Chick..  295 ;  Oviedo, 
iii.  500;  Purchas,  His  Pilgrimes,  iv.  1121. 

15  '  Cenzeiio y  el  rostro  algo  largo,  6  alegre. '  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 

67.     'Motec9uma  quiere  dezir  hobre  sanudo  y  graue.'  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex., 
103;  Acosta,  Hist.  Ind.,  502-3.     It  is  from  this,  probably,  that  so  many  de 
scribe  him  as  serious  in  expression.     A  number  of  portraits  have  been  given 
of  the  monarch,  differing  greatly  from  one  another.     The  best  known  is  Pres- 
cott's,  taken  from  the  painting  for  a  long  time  owned  by  the  Coiides  de  Mira- 
valle,  the  descendants  of  Montezuma;   but  this  lacks  the  Indian  type,  and 
partakes  too  much  of  the  ideal.     Clavigero's,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  8,  appears 
more  like  him,  though  it  is  too  small  and  too  roughly  sketched  to  convey  a 
clear  outline.     Far  better  is  the  half -size  representation  prefixed  to  Linati, 
Costumes,  which  indeed  corresponds  very  well  with  the  text  description.    The 
face  in  Armin,  Alte  Mex.,  104,  indicates  a  coarse  Aztec  warrior,  and  that  in 
Montanus,  Nieuwe  Weereld,  244-5,  an  African  prince,  while  the  native  picture, 
as  given  in  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Alex.,  ii.  6,  is  purely  conventional.     The 
text  description,  based  chiefly  on  Bernal  Diaz,  is  not  inappropriate  to  the 
weak,  vacillating  character  of  the  monarch.     Clavigero  makes  him  nearly  54 
years  old,  and  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  51 ;  but  40,  as  Bernal  Diaz  calls  him, 
appears  to  be  more  correct. 

16  'Ellos  y  el  ficieron  asimismo   ceremonia  de  besar  la  tierra.'    Cortes, 
Cartas,  85. 


286  MEETING  WITH  MOXTEZUMA. 

form  of  pearls,  diamonds,  and  iridescent  balls,  strung 
upon  gold  cords  and  scented  with  musk.17  With  these 
baubles,  which  were  as  false  as  the  assurances  of 
friendship  accompanying  them,  the  great  monarch 
deigned  to  be  pleased,  for  if  every  piece  of  glass  had 
been  a  diamond  they  would  have  possessed  no  greater 
value  in  his  eyes.  As  a  further  expression  of  his 
good- will,  Corte's  offered  to  embrace  the  monarch, 
but  was  restrained  by  the  two  princes,  who  regarded 
this  as  too  great  a  familiarity  with  so  sacred  a  person.18 
The  highest  representative  of  western  power  and 
grandeur,  whose  fame  had  rung  in  the  ears  of  the 
Spaniards  since  they  landed  at  Vera  Cruz,  thus  met 
the  daring  adventurer  who  with  his  military  skill  and 
artful  speech  had  arrogated  to  himself  the  position 
of  a  demi-god. 

After  an  interchange  of  friendly  assurances  the 
emperor  returnedi  to  the  city,  leaving  Cuitlahuatzin  to 
escort  the  general.19  The  procession  of  nobles  now 
filed  by  to  tender  their  respects,  whereupon  the  march 


17  'De  margaritas  y  diamantes  de  vidrio.'  Id.     'Que  se  dizen  margagitas.' 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  65. 

18  Soils  assumes  that  Corte's  was  repelled  when  he  sought  to  place  the 
necklace  on  Montezuma.     The  latter  chides  the  jealous  princes,  and  permits 

him.  Hist.  Mex. ,  i.  370.    '  Pareceme  que  el  Cortes le  daua  la  mano  dereclia , 

y  el  Monte9uma  no  laquiso,  c  se  la  di6  &  Cortes.'  Bernal  Diaz,  11  int.  Vcrdad., 
65.     This  phrase,  which  applies  equally  to  offering  the  right  hand,  has  been 
so  understood  by  those  who  notice  it;  but  as  this  would  be  confusing,  Vetan- 
curt,  for  instance,  assumes  improbably  that  Marina  offers  her  right  hand  to 
Montezuma,  which  he  disregards,  giving  his  instead  to  Cortes.   TccUro  Mex., 
pt.  iii.  129. 

19  Cortts,  Cartas,  85.     Ixtlilxochitl  has  it  that  Cacama  was  left  with  him; 
and  Bernal  Diaz,  that  the  lord  of  Coyuhuacan  also  remained.     According  to 
Cortes,  Montezuma  accompanied  him  all  the  way  to  the  quarters  in  the  city, 
keeping  a  few  steps  before.     Gomara  and  Herrera  follow  this  version.     But 
Bernal  Diaz  states  explicitly  that  he  left  the  Spaniards  to  follow,  allowin ,' 
the  people  an  opportunity  to  gaze;  and  Ixtlilxochitl  assumes  that  he  goes 
in  order  to  be  ready  to  receive  him  at  the  quarters.   ///'*/.  ( 'Inch.,  295.     It  is 
not  prolmble  that  Montezuma  would  expose  himself  to  the  inconvenience  of 
walking  so  far  back,  since  this  involved  troublesome  ceremonies,  as  we  have 
seen,  not  only  to  himself  but  to  the  procession,  and  interfered  with  the  people 
who  had  come  forth  to  gaze.     The  native  records  state  that  Montezuma  at 
once  surrendered  to  Cortes  the  throne  and  city.     'Y  se  fueron  ambos  jun 
tos  A  la  par  para  las  casas  rcalos. '  Sahagun,  Hist.  Conq.,  23-4.    Leading  C  . 
into  the  Toxi  hermitage,  at  the  place  of  meeting,  he  made  the  nobles  \ 
presents  and  tender  allegiance,  while  he  accepted  also  the  faith.  D 

7^.,  MS.,  ii.  440-1. 


474  LA  NOCHE  TEISTE. 

ing  their  missiles  fast  and  furious,  while  from  the 
cross-roads  issued  a  swarm,  with  lance  and  sword,  on 
Alvarado's  flank.  Over  the  water  resounded  their 
cries,  and  cainoes  came  crowding  round  the  causeway 
to  attack  the  forward  ranks.  To  add  to  the  horrors 
of  the  tumult,  several  men  and  horses  slipped  on  the 
wet  bridge  and  fell  into  the  water;  others,  midst 
heart-rending  cries,  were  crowded  over  the  edge  by 
those  behind.  All  the  rest  succeeded  in  crossing, 
however,  except  about  one  hundred  soldiers.  These, 
it  is  said,  bewildered  by  the  battle  cries  and  death 
shrieks,  turned  back  to  the  fort,  and  there  held  out  for 
three  days,  till  hunger  forced  them  to  surrender  and 
meet  the  fate  of  sacrificial  victims  at  the  coronation 
feast  of  Cuitlahuatzin.21 

The  half  mile  of  causeway  extending  between 
the  first  and  second  breaches  was  now  completely 
filled  with  Spaniards  and  allies,  whose  flanks  were 
harassed  by  the  forces  brought  forward  in  canoes  on 
either  side.  Dark  and  foggy  as  the  night  was,  the 
outline  of  the  Indian  crews  could  be  distinguished 
by  the  white  and  colored  tilmatli  in  which  many  of 
them  were  clad,  owing  to  the  coldness  of  the  air. 
Fearlessly  they  jumped  to  the  banks,  and  fought  the 
Spaniards  with  lance  and  javelin,  retreating  into  the 
water  the  moment  the  charge  was  over.  Some  crept 
up  the  road  sides,  and  seizing  the  legs  of  the  fugitives 
endeavored  to  drag  them  into  the  water.  So  crowded 
were  the  soldiers  that  they  could  scarcely  defend 
themselves;  aggressive  movements  were  out  of  the 
question. 

Repeated  orders  had  been  transmitted  to  Magarino 
to  hurry  forward  the  removal  of  his  bridge  to  the 
second  channel,  and,  seeing  no  more  soldiers  on  the 
opposite  bank  of  the  first  opening,  he  prepared  to 

?1  This  native  rumor,  as  recorded  in  the  manuscripts  used  by  Duran,  Hist. 
Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  476-7,  is  probably  the  foundation  for  Cano's  statement,  that 
Cortes  abandoned  270  men  in  the  fort.  Herrera  reduces  them  to  100.  '  Que 
se  boluieron  a  la  torre  del  templo,  adonde  se  hizierou  f uertes  tres  dias. '  dec. 
ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xii. 


HARD  FIGHTING.  475 

obey,  but  the  structure  had  been  so  deeply  imbedded 
in  the  banks  from  the  heavy  traffic  that  his  men 
labored  for  some  time  in  vain  to  lift  it,  exposed  all  the 
while  to  a  fierce  onslaught.  Finally,  after  a  number 
of  the  devoted  band  had  succumbed,  the  bridge  v. 
released,  but  before  it  could  be  drawn  over  the  cause 
way  the  enemy  had  borne  it  down  at  the  other  end  so 
as  .effectually  to  wreck  it.22  The  loss  of  the  bridge 
was  a  great  calamity,  and  was  so  regarded  by  the 
troops,  hemmed  in  as  they  were  between  two  deep 
channels,  on  a  causeway  which  in  width  would  hold 
only  twenty  men  in  a  line.  On  all  sides  were  enemies 
thirsting  for  blood.  Presently  a  rush  was  made  for 
the  second  channel,  where  the  soldiers  had  already 
begun,  in  face  of  the  foe,  to  cross  on  a  single  beam, 
which  had  been  left  intact  when  the  bridge  was  de 
stroyed.  As  this  was  an  exceedingly  slow- process, 
many  took  to  the  water,  only  to  receive  their  death 
blow  at  the  hands  of  the  watermen.  Some  were  taken 
prisoners;  some  sank  beneath  their  burden  of  gold; 
the  horses  found  a  ford  on  one  side  where  the  water 
was  not  above  the  saddle 

The  canoes,  however,  were  as  numerous  here  as 
elsewhere,  and  their  occupants  as  determined ;  and  the 
horsemen  had  the  greatest  trouble  to  keep  their  seats 
while  resisting  them.  The  general,  being  at  the  head, 
suffered  most.  At  one  time  some  Indians  seized  him 
by  the  legs  and  tried  to  drag  him  off.  The  footing 
of  the  horse  being  so  insecure,  the  attempt  ^yould 
probably  have  succeeded  but  for  the  prompt  aid  of 
Antonio  de  Quinones,  and  Texmaxahuitzin,  a  Tlas- 
caltec,  known  afterward  as  Antonio.  Olid,  who  also 
came  to  the  rescue,  was  almost  overpowered,  but 
managed  to  free  himself  by  means  of  backhanded 
blows  from  his  muscular  arm.  One  of  the  cavalry, 
Juan  de  Salazar,  the  page  of  Cortes,  then  took  tho 

"Bernal  Diaz,  Hi*t.  VerdasL,  106,  assumes  that  the  enemy  bore  it  clown 
before  the  baggage  train  had  crossed,  and  that  the  channel  was  filled  ii 
sequence  with  artillery,  ba.^age,  and  dead  bodies.    Goniara  gets  the  bi 
across  the  second  breach.    Both  must  be  mistaken,  however. 


476  LA  NOCHE  TRISTE. 

lead  to  clear  the  way  for  the  rest,  only  to  fall  a  victim 
to  his  zeal.  The  next  moment  his  master  had  gained 
the  bank,  and  thereupon  directed  the  troops  by  the 
ford.23 

Thus  in  the  darkness  the  wild  roar  of  battle  con 
tinued,  the  commingling  shouts  and  strokes  of  com 
batants  falling  on  the  distant  ear  as  one  continuous 
moan.  The  qanoes  now  pressed  on  the  fugitives  in 
greater  number  at  the  ford  than  in  the  channel. 
Sandoval,  with  his  party,  had  swum  the  channel 
before  the  Mexicans  assembled  there  in  great  num 
bers,  and  was  now  leading  the  van  down  the  cause 
way,  scattering  the  assailants  right  and  left.  Little 
regular  fighting  was  attempted,  the  Spaniards  being 
intent  on  escaping  and  the  Mexicans  quickly  yielding 
before  the  cavalry,  taking  refuge  in  and.  round  the 
canoes.  With  greater  hardihood  and  success,  how 
ever,  they  harassed  those  on  foot.  On  reaching 
the 'next  channel,  which  was  the  last,  the  fugitives 
found  with  dismay  that  it  was  wider  and  deeper  than 
the  others,  and  with  bitter  regret  they  saw  their 
mistake  in  not  bringing  three  portable  bridges.  The 
enemy  was  here  also  gathering  in  ever  increasing 
force,  to  watch  the  death  trap.  Every  effort  to  clear 
a  passage  was  stubbornly  resisted,  and,  the  soldiers 
growing  more  irresolute,  a  rider  was  sent  to  bring 
Cortes.  Before  he  arrived,  however,  Sandoval  had 
already  plunged  in  with  a  number  of  the  cavalry, 
followed  by  foot-soldiers,  who  seized  the  opportunity 
to  fall  into  the  wake,  by  either  holding  on  to  the 
trappings  of  the  horses  or  striking  out  for  them 
selves.  The  passage  was  extremely  difficult,  and  more 
than  one  horseman  reeled  and  fell,  from  the  united 
pressure  of  friends  and  foes.  Those  who  followed 
suffered  yet  more,  being  pushed  down  by  comrades, 
struck  by  clubs  and  stones,  pierced  by  spears,  or,  most 

23  Camargo  relates  the  incidents  of  the  passage  in  detail,  and  says  that 
Corte"s  fell  into  a  hole  as  the  enemy  pounced  upon  him.  The  two  deliverers 
disputed  the  honor  of  having  rescued  the  general.  Hist.  Tlax.,  169. 


THE  DREADFUL  BRIDGE.  477 

horrible  of  all,  drawn  in  by  dusky  boatmen,  who  care 
fully  guarded  them  for  the  dread  stone  of  sacrifice. 

With  five  horsemen  Corte's  led  a  body  of  one  hun 
dred  infantry  to  the  mainland.  Accompanying  this 
force  was  a  number  of  carriers  with  treasures  secured 
by  the  general  and  his  friends.  Leaving  the  gold  in 
charge  of  Jaramillo,  with  orders  to  hold  the  entrance  of 
the  causeway  against  assailants  from  the  shore,  Cortes 
returned  to  the  channel  where  Sandoval  had  taken  a 
stand  to  keep  clear  the  bank  and  protect  the  passage. 
Tidings  coming  that  Alvarado  was  in  danger,  Cortes 
proceeded  to  the  rear,  beyond  the  second  channel,  and 
found  it  hotly  contested.  His  opportune  arrival  in 
fused  fresh  courage,  as  with  gallant  charges  he  relieved 
the  troops  from  the  terrible  pressure.  He  looked,  in 
vain  for  many  comrades  who  had  been  placed  at  this 
post,  and  would  have  gone  in  search  of  them  had  not 
Alvarado  assured  him  that  all  the  living  were  there. 
He  was  told  that  the  guns  reserved  for  the  rear  -had 
for  a  while  been  directed  with  sweeping  effect  against 
the  ever  growing  masses  of  warriors  around  them ;  but 
finally  a  simultaneous  attack  from  the  canoe  crews 
on  either  side,  and  from  the  land  forces  to  the  rear, 
impelled  by  their  own  volume,  had  overwhelmed  the 
narrow  columns  nearest  the  city,  together  with  their 
cannon,  killing  and  capturing  a  large  number,  and 
throwing  the  rest  into  the  panic-stricken  condition 
from  which  he  had  just  extricated  them. 

Leaving  Alvarado  to  cover  the  rear  as  best  he 
could,  Corte's  hastened  to  direct  the  passage  of  the 
middle  channel.  What  a  sight  was  there !  Of  all  the 
bloody  terrors  of  that  dark,  sorrowful  night,  this  was 
the  most  terrible!  A  bridge  had  been  wanting,  and 
behold,  the  bridge  was  there!  With  dead  and  living 
fugitives  the  chasm  on  either  side  the  slippery  beam 
had  been  filled,24  and  now  the  soldiers  and  allii-s 

84  *  El  foso  se  hinch6  hasta  arriba ; y  los  de  la  retroguardia  pasaron  sobre 

los  muertos.  Los  espafioles  que  aqui  quedaron  muertos  fueron  trescientos,  y 
de  los  tlaxcaltecas  y  otros  indios  amigos  fueron  mas  de  dos  mil.'  Sahaytiii, 
Hist.  Conq.  (ed.  1840),  1±>. 


478  LA  NOCHE  TBISTE. 

were  rushing,  heedless  of  the  groans  beneath  them, 
across  this  gory  support,  still  narrow  and  full  of  gaps, 
to  be  filled  by  the  next  tripping  fugitive.  Scattered 
pell-mell  on  the  bank  lay  the  baggage  and  artillery, 
abandoned  by  the  fleeing  carriers,  which,  proving  only 
an  obstruction,  Cortes  ordered  it  thrown  into  the 
channel  in  order  to  widen  the  crossing. 

But  the  end  was  not  yet.  Great  as  had  been  the 
woe,  it  was  yet  to  be  increased  at  the  last  and  wider 
channel.  Here  was  indeed  a  yawning  abyss,  having 
likewise  a  single  remaining  beam,  whose  narrow  slip 
pery  surface  served  rather  as  a  snare  than  a  support.25 
The  necessarily  slow  motion  of  the  train  had  enabled 
the  Mexicans  to  come  up  in  swarms,  and  like  sharks 
surround  the  chasm.  Harassed  on  every  side,  and 
with  an  avalanche  rolling  against  the  rear,  the  re 
treating  thought  only  of  escaping  the  new  danger, 
and  at  once.  They  threw  aside  their  arms  and  treas 
ures  and  plunged  in,  bearing  oiie  another  down  re 
gardless  of  any  claims  of  friendship  or  humanity. 
And  woful  to  hear  were  the  heart-rending  cries  from 
that  pit  of  Acheron.  Some  begged  help  of  Mary  and 
Santiago;  some  cursed  their  fate  and  him  who  had 
brought  them  to  it,  while  many  sank  with  mute 
despair  into  the  arms  of  death;  and  over  all  roared  the 
wild  cries  and  insults  of  the  Mexicans.  In  strong 
contrast  to  the  panic-stricken  men  appeared  a  woman, 
Maria  de  Estrada,  who,  with  shield  and  sword,  faced 
the  enemy  like  a  lioness,  standing  forth  among  the 
men  as  a  leader,  and  astonishing  friend  and  foe  with 
her  prowess.26 

Cortes  did  all  he  could,  as  became  an  able  com 
mander  and  valiant  soldier,  to  save  his  men.  He  was 
indefatigable  in  his  efforts,  being  everywhere  present, 
encouraging,  guiding,  and  protecting.  Yet  his  posi 
tion  was  most  trying;  there  were  that  night  so  many 

<J5  Ramirez,  Proceso  contra  A  Ivarado,  4,  53,  68. 

2(1  '  Caso  esta  Sefiora,  con  Pedro  Sanchez  Farfan  [who  seized  Narvaez],  y 
dieronle  en  Encomienda  el  Pueblo  de  Tetela.'  She  married  a  second  time, 
and  died  in  Puebla.  Torquemada,  i.  504. 


FALL  OF  VELAZQUEZ  DE  LEON.  479 

brave  soldiers  given  over  to  despair,  so  many  ee 
deaf  to  commands  and  prudent  counsel.  Unable  to 
do  more  at  the  channels,  he  hastened  to  look  to 
those  who  had  crossed  and  were  proceeding  in  strag 
gling  bands  to  join  Jaramillo.  Heedless  of  companies 
or  officers,  the  soldiers  had  banded  in  parties  of  a 
score  or  two,  and  sword  in  hand,  where  this  had  not 
been  thrown  away,  they  were  hurrying  down  the 
causeway.27  The  assailants  fell  off  somewhat  beyond 
the  last  channel,  and  finding  the  advance  compara 
tively  safe,  guided  by  his  soldierly  impulses  Cortes 
again  returned  with  a  few  horsemen28  and  foot-soldiers 
to  cover  the  remnant  of  the  army.  The  rear,  com 
posed  chiefly  of  the  Narvaez  party,  were  approaching 
the  last  channel,  but  under  the  continued  onslaught 
panic  had  seized  them.  They  made  hardly  an  effort 
to  defend  themselves,  and  like  the  Indians  during  the 
massacre  by  Alvarado  they  huddled  one  against  the 
other,  offering  their  backs  as  a  target  for  unsparing 
attack.  Among  this  number  was  the  loyal  and  noble 
Vulazquez  de  Leon,  who  shared  with  the  Tonatiuh  the 
command  of  this  section.  How  he  fell  is  not  known, 
but  he  never  crossed  the  last  breach.29 

Alvarado  had  been  wounded  and  had  lost  his  horse, 
in  common  with  most  of  his  party.  Finding  it  im 
possible  to  control  the  men,  he  gathered  a  small  band 
round  him  and  sought  the  channel,  leaving  the  rest 
to  look  to  themselves.30  On  reaching  the  spot  he  saw 

27  Bernal  Diaz  formed  one  of  a  band  of  50,  who  were  repeatedly  attacked 
with  arms  and  midst  insults.  He  quotes  some  of  the  low  expressions  used. 

106. 

25  One  authority  states  that  Cortes  was  nearing  Tlacopan,  when  Olid  and 
others  called  out  to  him  that  the  fugitives  were  accusing  the  captains  of  aban 
doning  them,  and  urged  that  they  should  turn  back.    'It  is  a  miracle  to  have 
I >ed,'  was  his  reply,  '  and  fewer  will  be  left  if  we  return.'    Saying  this  ho 
lioai  i  horsemen  and  a  -few  foot-soldiers  and  galloped  back.  />< 

.    lii*t.  IV/v/rr/.,   100.     But  Cortes  was  not  the  man  to  wait  in  such  a 


w  Zamacois  makes  atonement  for  a  lack  of  research  by  inventing  doughty 
deeds  for  this  hero,  flint.  Mcj.,  iii.  417-18. 

<>ng  the  soldiers  contributed  in  later  times  by  Garay's  expo 
was  one  Ocampo,  who,  fond  of  scandal  and  pasquinades,  libelled  many  of  the 


THE  NATIVE   RACES 


OF    THE 


PACIFIC    STATES. 


THE 


NATIVE   RACES 


OF 


THE  PACIFIC  STATES 


OF 


NORTH  AMERICA. 

BY 

HUBERT   HOWE  BANCROFT. 

VOLUME  V. 
PRIMITIVE  HISTORY. 


SAN  FRANCISCO  : 
A.  L.  BANCROFT  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 

1882. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  Year  1882,  by 

HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


All  Rights  Reserved. 


THE  NATIVE  RACES 


OF  THE 


PACIFIC  STATES. 
BY  HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT. 


In  Five  Volumes,  Octavo,  numbering  in  all  4091  pages,  with  10  Maps  and  425 
Illustrations. 


VOL.      I.     WILD  TRIBES;  THEIR  MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS. 
VOL.     II.     CIVILIZED    NATIONS  OF  MEXICO   AND    CENTRAL 

AMERICA. 
VOL.  III.    MYTHOLOGY  AND  LANGUAGES  OF  BOTH  SAVAGE 

AND  CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 

VOL.   IV.    ANTIQUITIES  AND  ARCHITECTURAL  REMAINS. 
VOL.      V.    ABORIGINAL  HISTORY  AND  MIGRATIONS;  INDEX 

TO  THE  ENTIRE  WORK. 

As  the  Europeans  first  came  upon  the  several 
parts  of  America  they  encountered  a  strange  people, 
different  from  any  they  had  ever  before  seen,  of  many 
and  diverse  nations  and  languages,  yet  all  wonderfully 
like  each  other.  There  were  among  them  no  such 
decided  race  contrasts  as  are  found  between  Africans, 
Asiatics,  and  Europeans.  At  first  the  wise  men  of 
the  world  did  not  know  what  to  make  of  it;  but  they 
finally  concluded  to  pronounce  them  human  beings, 
and  to  accredit  them  with  a  soul. 

16} 


6  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

These  Americans  were  not  all  equally  well  condi 
tioned  or  equally  intelligent.  Many  of  their  customs 
were  similar  to  those  of  the  Europeans,  particularly 
to  those  of  the  aboriginal  Europeans;  the  common 
necessities  of  man  engender  common  habits  and  man 
ners;  some  of  their  ways  were  widely  different  from 
those  of  any  other  people  known  ever  to  have  lived 
on  the  -  earth.  There  were  found  on  the  table-lands 
of  Central  America,  Mexico,  and  Peru  imperial  na 
tions,  but  little  behind  the  Europeans  themselves  in 
progress.  On  either  side  of  them,  along  the  shore 
of  the  Mexican  Gulf  and  along  the  Pacific  seaboard, 
more  particularly  in  California,  man  was  low  enough 
in  the  scale  of  humanity.  So  he  was  at  Patagonia; 
but  at  Alaska  he  was  shrewder;  indeed,  the  Eskimos 
belonged  to  the  Asiatic  and  European  Arctic  race, 
rather  than  to  the  American  Indian  proper. 

It  has  been  the  purpose  in  these  five  volumes  to 
give  a  full  and  accurate  description  of  these  peoples; 
that  is  those  of  them  occupying  the  Pacific  Coast  of 
North  America  from  Alaska  to  Panamd,  including 
the  whole  of  Central  America  and  Mexico.  They 
are  described  as  they  were  first  seen  by  Europeans. 
Indeed,  we  had  but  a  brief  glance  at  them  before 
they  were  gone;  it  is  well  for  us,  therefore,  it  is 
creditable  to  our  enlightenment  and  civilization,  that 
we  should  gather  and  preserve  all  that  is  known  of 
the  Native  Races  of  the  New  World  before  it  is  too 
late,  before  tvith  the  people  themselves  the  knowledge 
of  them  sinks  into  oblivion.  And  this  Mr  Bancroft 
has  done;  first  gathering  from  every  quarter  the  testi 
mony  of  twelve  hundred  eye-witnesses,  conquerors, 
fur-traders,  gold-seekers,  travellers  and  authors,  as 
shown  by  the  list  of  authorities  given,  and  then  sift 
ing,  classifying,  and  writing  it  all  down  in  form  for 
permanent  preservation. 

The  plan  of  the  five  volumes  is  essentially  as  fol 
lows  : 


THE  NATIVE  RACES  OF  THE  PACIFIC  STATES. 


VOLUME  I. 

THE    WILD   TRIBES    OF    THE    PACIFIC    STATES;     THEIR    MAN 
NERS    AND    CUSTOMS. 

Of  this  vast  seaboard,  stretching  from  the  Arctic 
Ocean  to  the  river  Darien,  six  territorial  divisions  are 
made,  and  the  natives  of  each  division,  grouped  under 
appropriate  names,  are  separately  described.  Begin 
ning  at  the  north,  there  are .  first  the  Hyperboreans, 
or  northern  people;  then  the  Columbians,  or  nations 
whose  lands  are  drained  by  the  Columbia  River  and 
its  tributaries;  followed  by  the  Calif ornians,  which 
term,  besides  the  natives  of  California,  includes  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Great  Basin  beyond  the  Sierra 
Nevada;  the  New  Mexicans  come  next,  which  group 
includes  the  Town -builders  or  Pueblos,  the  Co- 
manches,  Apaches,  and  the  savage  tribes  of  northern 
Mexico  and  the  peninsula  of  California;  then  we 
have  the  Wild  Tribes  of  Mexico;  and,  finally,  the 
Wild  Tribes  of  Central  America.  Following  lin 
guistic  and  physical  diversities,  these  six  great  divis 
ions  are  again  subdivided  into  numerous  families, 
nations  and  tribes,  and  the  whole  accurately  and 
minutely  described,  with  constant  reference  to  the 
sources  whence  the  information  is  derived. 

First,  with  the  name  and  its  origin,  the  territorial 

'  O         ' 

boundaries  of  each  people  are  given,  and  the  aspects 
of  the  country  delineated,  with  special  reference  to 
the  influence  of  nature  on  man;  then  the  physical 
peculiarities  of  the  people  are  portrayed,  their  gen 
eral  appearance,  height,  form,  complexion,  features, 
cranium,  the  color  and  texture  of  the  hair,  beard,  etc., 
with  the  usual  attempted  improvements  on  nature, 
such  as  decoration,  painting,  tattooing,  nose,  lip,  and 
ear  piercing  and  ornamenting,  head-flattening  and 
other  deformations;  then  their  dress,  houses,  tents, 
caves,  arbors,  and  all  other  attempts  to  better  the 


8  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

primitive  unsheltered  condition;  next  the  subject  of 
food  is  taken  up,  what  is  eaten,  how  it  is  procured 
and  prepared,  which  includes  hunting,  fishing,  root- 
digging,  agriculture,  and  the  preservation  and  cooking 
of  food;  their  personal  habits  are  then  examined; 
also  their  weapons,  and  methods  of  declaring  war,  of 
fighting  battles,  of  treating  prisoners  and.  making 
peace;  their  implements,  utensils,  dishes,  saddles, 
boats,  canoes,  rafts,  and  methods  of  navigation,  in 
addition  to  which  their  manufactures  of  cloth,  mats, 
and  pottery,  are  given;  then  their  wealth,  property, 
and  trade, — that  is,  what  constitutes  native  wealth, 
what  their  conceptions  of  rights  of  property,  what 
their  customs  in  trade  and  what  their  currencies  are; 
likewise  their  arts,  such  as  carving  and  painting,  and 
their  intellectual  advancement  as  manifest  in  count 
ing,  reckoning  time,  and  observation  of  celestial  bodies ; 
their  government,  laws,  power  and  position  of  chiefs, 
and  punishment  of  crimes  next  attract  our  attention, 
with  the  phenomenon  of  slavery,  the  slave-trade,  and 
the  treatment  of  slaves;  then  their  family  relations 
are  taken  up,  such  as  the  position  of  woman,  court 
ship,  marriage,  polygamy,  treatment  of  wives  and 
children,  childbirth,  chastity,  and  prostitution;  then 
their  amusements,  songs,  dances,  feasts,  smoking, 
drinking,  gambling,  horse-racing,  and  athletic  sports: 
and,  finally,  their  diseases,  medicines,  treatment  of 
the  sick,  medicine-men,  conjurers  or  sorcerers,  their 
mourning  and  burial,  concluding  their  obituary  with 
a  summing  up  of  their  general  character.  All  this 
is  gone  over  with  every  subdivision  of  every  group — 
care  being  taken  not  to  describe  in  full  the  same 
custom  twice,  but  only  to  note  differences — and  giyen 
with  a  thoroughness,  and,  notwithstanding  its  mag 
nitude,  with  a  minuteness  never  hitherto  approached 
by  any  writer  on  aboriginal  peoples. 

Preceding  each  of  the  six  groups  or  great  divisions 
of  this  volume  is  a  fine  copper-plate  map  of  that  por 
tion  of  the  Pacific  States  embraced  within  the  terri- 


THE  NATIVE  RACES  OF  THE  PACIFIC  STATES.  9 

tory  of  the  group,  with  families,  nations,  and  tribes, 
newly  and  accurately  set  down  according  to  the  most 
reliable  authorities,  in  letters  of  a  size  corresponding 
to  variety  and  species;  so  that  all  these  maps  put  to 
gether  represent  our  whole  western  seaboard,  with 
the  people  inhabiting  it  before  it  was  disturbed  by 
Europeans.  At  the  end  of  each  groupal  division  a 
summary  of  Tribal  Boundaries  is  given,  with  all  the 
authorities,  confirmatory  and  contradictory,  placed  side 
by  side,  thus  enabling  the  reader  to  draw  his  own 
conclusions  in  the  matter. 


VOLUME  II. 

THE  CIVILIZED  NATIONS  OF  MEXICO  AND  CENTRAL  AMER 
ICA;  THEIR  INDUSTRIES,  ARTS,  AND  LITERATURE,  THEIR 
CIVIL  AND  RELIGIOUS  POLITIES,  AND  THEIR  SOCIAL 
CUSTOMS. 

Here  we  have  an  entirely  new  field.  The  people 
described  in  the  first  volume  display  different  degrees 
of  savagism,  yet  they  may  all  safely  be  called  savages. 
But  on  the  table-lands  of  Mexico  and  Central  Amer 
ica  the  first  Spaniards  found  nations  well  advanced  in 
science,  art,  and  literature ;  nations  that  laid  out  large 
cities  in  streets  and  squares  with  public  market-places ; 
nations  that  built  magnificent  palaces  and  temples  of 
hewn  stone  and  lime,  and  left  as  architectural  remains 
huge  monuments  and  stupendous  tumuli;  nations  well 
skilled  in  the  working  of  metals,  and  whose  jewel 
lers  rivaled  the  Venetian  gold-workers  of  the  period; 
nations  that  spun  and  wove  delicate  textile  fabrics,  and 
produced  mosaic  feather-work  that  was  the  marvel 
of  the  civilized  world;  nations  that  were  governed  by 
august  potentates,  and  whose  kings  and  emperors 
were  surrounded  with  a  pomp  and  courtly  etiquette 
as  great  as  that  of  any  European  prince ;  nations  with 
a  palpably  progressive  civilization,  with  civil  and  relig 
ious  polities  of  no  mean  order,  and  whose  institutions 


10  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

often  resembled  those  of  the  old  world.  In  this 
volume  are  described  the  orders  of  society,  nobles, 
priests,  and  plebeians;  the  distribution  and  tenure  of 
lands;  the  astronomical  ideas  and  calendar  system  of 
the  Aztecs,  Mayas,  Quiches,  and  others;  their  litera 
ture,  hieroglyphic  writings,  music  and  painting;  their 
useful  arts,  their  implements,  and  manufactures;  their 
sculpture,  and  working  in  stones,  gold,  silver,  and 
jewels;  their  food,  and  manner  of  procuring  and  pre 
serving  it;  their  cultivation  of  the  soil,  and  their  eat 
ing  of  human  flesh;  the  relations  of  husband  and 
wife,  polygamy,  childbirth,  and  baptism;  circumcision, 
instruction  of  children,  salutation,  betrothal,  and  mat 
ters  relating  to  private  and  domestic  life;  the  royal 
household,  the  king's  state  and  the  position  of  the 
nobles ;  their  systems  of  government,  laws,  law-courts, 
judges,  and  other  officials,  court  regulations,  court 
costume,  matters  relating  to  coronation,  election,  taxes, 
taking  the  census,  royal  succession,  with  -the  royal 
palaces  and  its  gardens  and  buildings;  their  ceremo 
nies,  feasts,  dances,  games,  smoking,  and  drinking; 
their  common  houses,  public  buildings,  temples,  streets, 
market-places,  with  the  interior  of  their  dwellings; 
their  dress,  and  ornaments ;  their  commerce,  with  the 
laws  and  regulations  of  the  market-place ;  merchants, 
merchants'  feasts,  and  the  mercantile  order;  their 
weapons,  offensive  and  defensive,  the  equipment  of 
soldiers,  declaration  and  carrying  on  of  war,  army  reg 
ulations,  army  officers,  pensions,  captives,  booty,  war 
councils,  war  tribunals,  and  triumphal  entries;  their 
auguries,  diseases,  treatment  of  the  sick,  medicinal 
herbs,  curative  processes,  doctors,  and  burials. 

This  volume  fills  a  gap  in  the  world's  literature.  It 
opens  with  a  masterly  essay,  Chapter  I.,  on  Savagism 
and  Civilization,  a  subject  ill  understood  even  by 
those  who  talk  much  about  it.  The  civilizations  of 
Egypt,  Greece,  and  Rome  have  been  written  and  re 
written  by  a  multitude  of  authors  in  many 


THE  NATIVE  RACES  OF  THE  PACIFIC  STATES.  11 

the  civilizations  of  the  Aztecs,  Mayas,  and  Quiches 
have  never  before  been  adequately  written  in  any  lan 
guage.  Least  of  all  that  is  trustworthily  written  of 
them  is  in  English;  while  the  early  and  extensive  but 
chaotic  descriptions  by  the  old  Spanish  chroniclers, 
and  the  later  investigations  of  French  and  German 
savans  are  alike  inaccessible  to  most  English  readers. 
If  the  American  civilizations  were  a  little  ruder  than 
the  European — which  Dr  Draper  declares  they  were 
not,  so  far  as  the  Spaniards  were  concerned  in  the 
comparison — they  are  surely  none  the  less  worthy  of 
being  known;  indeed,  as  the  tendency  of  investiga 
tion  now  is,  every  new  phase  of  civilization  brought 
to  light  is  of  far  more  value  to  science  than  would  be 
the  production  of  a  counterpart  to  any  of  the  longer 
known  and  better  understood  civilizations  of  Europe. 
Curtailed  and  necessarily  misleading  descriptions  of 
these  societies  have  been  prefixed  to  numerous  his 
tories  of  the  conquest;  but  the  work  of  thoroughly 
collecting  all  the  facts,  setting. them  in  order,  and 
clearly  presenting  them  has  never  before  been  at 
tempted,  and  it  is  hoped  that  this  volume  will  meet  a 
necessity  which  has  long  been  felt. 

VOLUME  III. 

MYTHOLOGY   AND    LANGUAGES    OF    BOTH    SAVAGE    AND    CIV 
ILIZED    NATIONS. 

This  volume  attempts  to  trace  the  intricate  wind 
ings  of  Myths  and  Tongues  throughout  our  territory. 
Under  the  former  heading  are  collected  all  the  tradi 
tions,  beliefs,  and  strange  stories  concerning  the  origin 
and  end  of  things,  the  creation  of  the  world,  with  its 
men  and  animals  and  trees,  and  all  things  else  therein ; 
it  tells  how  fire  was  first  made,  and  how  the  sun  and 
moon  and  stars  were  established  in  the  heavens;  how, 
in  days  when  men  and  beasts  talked  together,  a  great 
flood  came  •  upon  the  earth,  and  how  the  Coyote,  the 


12  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

cunningest  of  animals,  prepared  an  ark  to  save  him 
self  withal;  how  the  Golden  Gate  was  opened,  Mount 
Shasta  made,  and  how  a  great  wave  came  from  the 
ocean  and  formed  Lake  Tahoe;  it  gives  the  origin  of 
Clear  Lake,  recounts  the  feats  of  the  Giants  of  the 
Palouse  River,  and  tells  how  native  religious  philolo 
gists  explain  differences  in  language  and  the  confusion 
of  tongues.  It  gives  the  story  of  Yehl,  the  creator 
of  the  Thlinkeets,  and  of  the  Raven  and  the  Dog;  it 
tells  how  the  Coyote  stole  fire  for  the  Cahrocs,  how 
the  Frog  lost  his  tail,  how  the  Hawk  and  Crow  built 
the  Coast  Range,  and  how  the  mountains  of  Yosemite 
were  made.  From  physical  myths  we  proceed  to 
animal ,  and  learn  of  the  ill-omened  owl,  of  tutelary 
animals  and  metamorphosed  men,  of  the  ogress- 
squirrel  of  Vancouver  Island,  of  fallen  men  and 
sacred  animals;  of  the  serpent,  emblem,  among  other 
things,  of  the  lightning;  of  the  Danse  Macabre  and 
sad  death  of  the  Coyote.  The  next  chapters  treat 
of  gods,  supernatural  beings,  and  worship,  of  demon- 
ology  and  witchcraft,  of  sacred  fires;  then  the  Mexi 
can  religion  is  taken  up,  and  Tezcatlipoca,  Quetzal- 
coatl,  and  its  numerous  other  deities  described,  with 
the  prayers  of  the  worshippers  and  a  description  of 
their  bloody  sacrifices;  and,  lastly,  the  future  state 
with  its  horror  of  great  darkness  or  its  Valhalla 
glories  is  laid  bare. 

The  latter  part  of  the  volume  is  devoted  to  the 
languages  and  dialects  of  this  coast,  of  which  there 
are  no  less  than  six  hundred.  First  a  tabular  classi 
fication  of  aboriginal  tongues  is  given,  which  begin 
ning  at  the  north  proceeds  southward,  without  how 
ever  being  confined  to  territorial  boundaries  in  cases 
where  the  dialect  is  discovered  cropping  out  else 
where.  Then  the  characteristic  individuality  of  the 
American  tongues  is  noticed;  the  frequent  occurrence 
of  long  words;  duplications,  frequentatives,  and  duals; 
intertribal  languages,  gesture -languages,  jargons  or 
trade  languages;  the  great  language  families  which 


THE  NATIVE  RACES  OF  THE  PACIFIC  STATES.  13 

are  found  principally  inland;  language  in  reference  to 
origin,  and  accidental  similarities  and  coincidences 
between  strange  languages.  First  in  order  are  the 
Hyperborean  languages, — Eskimo,  Koniagan,  Aleut, 
and  Thlinkeet  grammars;  the  great  Tinneh  family, 
with  its  eastern,  western,  central,  and  southern  divis 
ions;  specimens  of  and  comparisons  between  these 
several  dialects;  comparative  vocabulary  of  the  Tin 
neh  family.  Taking  up  the  Columbian  languages,  we 
have  the  Haidah  grammar;  the  Nass  dialects ;  Bella- 
coola  and  Chimsyan  comparisons;  the  languages  of 
Vancouver  Island;  specimens,  and  Aztec  analogies; 
the  Sound  languages;  the  tongues  of  interior  British 
Columbia,  Washington,  Oregon,  and  Idaho,  with 
grammars  and  specimens;  the  Chinook  jargon.  Next 
come  the  Californians,  with  their  babel  of  tongues, 
of  which  are  given  many  grammars  and  original 
vocabularies,  as  of  the  Pomos,  Shastas,  the  dialects 
of  Pitt  River,  of  Russian  River,  of  the  Sacramento, 
San  Joaquin,  Napa,  and  Sonoma  valleys;  of  the 
Olhones  and  others  of  San  Francisco  Bay,  the  Run- 
senes  and  Eslenses  of  Monterey,  and  the  dialects  at 
the  several  missions ;  of  Santa  Cruz  and  other  islands, 
with  trans-Pacific  comparisons.  Crossing  the  Sierra 
Nevada,  there  are  the  Shoshone  languages  and  their 
affiliations;  the  Aztec-Sonora  connections ;  the  Utah, 
Comanche,  Moqui,  Kizh,  Netela,  Kechi,  Cahuillo, 
and  Chemehuevi  grammars  and  comparative  vocabu 
laries.  Still  proceeding  southward,  we  have  the  lan 
guages  of  the  Pueblos,  and  find  the  Colorado  River 
nations  not  affiliated  with  any  large  families;  we 
examine  the  Lower  Californian  tongues  with  gram 
matical  remarks.  Then  come  the  Pima,  Opata,  and 
Seri  languages,  of  which  grammars  and  prayers  are 
given  in  the  different  dialects,  with  remarks  on  their 
Aztec-Sonora  connection.  The  languages  of  northern 
Mexico  are  then  given  with  grammars  and  specimens ; 
after  which  the  Aztec  and  Otonii  languages  of  central 
Mexico ;  a  dissertation  on  the  identity  of  the  Nahuatl, 


14  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

Aztec,  Chichimec  and  Toltec  idioms;  testimony  of  the 
early  missionaries  and  others  as  to  the  richness  and 
beauty  of  the  Aztec  tongue;  following  which  are  the 
tongues  of  the  Tarascos,  the  Miztecs,  Zapotecs,  Mijes, 
and  others  of  southern  Mexico,  and  the  Huaves  of 
the  isthmus  of  Tehuantepec.  Descending  to  Central 
America  we  have  the  old  and  illustrious  Maya-Quiche 
family  with  its  multitudinous  ramifications,  and,  last 
of  all,  the  languages  of  Costa  Rica,  Honduras,  Nica 
ragua,  and  the  isthmus  of  Panamd,. 

VOLUME  IV. 

MONUMENTAL   ARCHAEOLOGY;    RUINS    AND    MATERIAL    RELICS 
OF  THE  PAST,  ILLUSTRATED  BY  NUMEROUS  ENGRAVINGS. 

Ruined  cities,  palaces,  temples,  and  fortifications; 
pyramids,  mounds,  and  tombs;  weapons,  implements, 
and  dishes,  of  stone,  clay,  and  metal;  idols  and  altars 
of  elaborate  sculpture ;  hieroglyphic  inscriptions,  rock- 
paintings,  ornaments,  and  many  articles  of  unknown 
use — all  these  the  work  of  native  hands  before  inter 
course  with  Europeans — have  been  found  scattered 
over  the  surface  of  the  Pacific  States,  examined  and 
described  by  some  five  hundred  travellers.  The  results 
are  contained  in  more  than  as  many  books,  many  of 
which  furnish  complete  and  reliable  information  about 
the  antiquities  of  particular  regions  or  localities,  but 
no  one  work  ever  published  makes  any  attempt  at  a 
thorough  description  of  all.  This  is  what  is  done  in 
this  volume,  which  describes  carefully  each  of  the 
many  thousand  relics,  by  means  of  information  drawn 
from  all  the  travellers  who  have  seen  it.  The  antiqui 
ties  of  each  separate  region  are  profusely  illustrated 
by  cuts  of  the  most  interesting  objects,  prepared  from 
the  most  authentic  sources.  A  large  map  enables 
the  reader  to  easily  locate  each  important  ruin.  Two 
chapters  are  added  on  South  American  antiquitu  s 
and  the  works  of  the  mound-builders  of  the  eastern 


THE  NATIVE  RACES  OF  THE  PACIFIC  STATES.  15 

United  States.  By  such  addition  this  volume  in 
cludes  all  the  relics  of  any  interest  and  importance  in 
America.  Interesting  notes  on  the  successive  explo 
rations  of  different  ruins  and  on  the  books  of  the  ex 
plorers  are  added.  The  subject  is  treated  geographi 
cally,  proceeding  from  south  to  north  by  states,  and 
classifying  the  monuments  of  each  state  in  groups 
according  to  their  nature.  Without  noticing  here  the 
multitude  of  smaller  relics  described,  some  of  the 
prominent  features  may  be  named  as  follows:  the  im 
plements  and  ornaments  of  gold,  clay,  and  stone  dug 
from  the  huacas  or  tombs  of  Chiriqui;  the  many 
strangely  carved  idols  and  the  rude  cairns  or  sepul 
chral  stone-heaps  of  Nicaragua;  the  regular  pyram 
idal  structures  and  fortifications  of  Honduras  and 
Salvador,  including  the  wonderful  temple  and  the 
colossal  idols  and  altars  at  Copan;  in  Guatemala  are 
the  ruins  of  Quirigua  and  Tikal,  with  the  more  mod 
ern  Quiche  ruins  scattered  on  all  the  plateaux;  Ux- 
mal,  Chichen-Itza,  and  innumerable  ruined  cities  dot 
the  plains  of  Yucatan;  in  Chiapas  is  Palenque,  in 
many  respects  the  most  remarkable  American  ruin; 
across  the  isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  in  Oajaca,  are 
the  temples,  pyramids,  and  fortified  mounts  of  Mitla 
and  vicinity;  then  the  remains  of  Nahua  art  and  skill 
in  the  territory  of  the  ancient  Aztec  empire;  Xochi- 
calco  in  the  south;  Misantla,  Papantla,  and  Tusapan 
in  Vera  Cruz;  the  few  monuments  of  Andhuac  and 
surrounding  valleys,  including  the  pre- Aztec  pyra 
mids  of  Cholula  and  Teotihuacan;  the  mysterious 
Quemada  of  Zacatecas;  the  Casas  Grandes  of  Chi 
huahua  and  on  the  Gila;  and  the  New  Mexican  Pue 
blo  ruins  of  New  Mexico.  Finally  from  California 
northward  to  Alaska  we  have  only  a  few  trifling  relics 
of  savage  tribes,  but  even  here  the  mining-shafts  of 
California  have  laid  bare  rude  stone  implements  in 
connection  with  the  remains  of  extinct  animals,  which 
throw  no  little  light  on  the  much  discussed  subject  of 
man's  age  upon  the  earth.  This  treatise  supplies  a 


16  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

need  of  the  reader  with  antiquarian  tastes  who  can 
not  procure  the  many  rare  and  expensive  works  that 
treat  of  the  subject.  The  greatest  possible  pains  has 
been  taken  to  make  this  volume  fill  satisfactorily  the 
place  of  all;  and  if  its  subject  be  not  of  the  highest 
interest  to  the  general  reader,  it  is  in  some  respects 
the  most  complete  of  the  whole  series. 

VOLUME  V. 

ANCIENT    HISTORY,    MIGRATIONS,    AND    ORIGIN    OF    THE    CIV 
ILIZED  NATIONS CONCLUDING  WITH  A  COPIOUS   INDEX 

TO  THE  WHOLE  FIVE  VOLUMES. 

The  last  volume  of  the  series  is  devoted  to  what 
is  known  or  conjectured  of  the  American  people  and 
the  American  civilization  in  the  past,  a  topic  of  the 
deepest  interest,  and  a  fruitful  ground- work  of  theory 
and  speculation.  Preceding  volumes  have  "dealt  with 
known  facts  concerning  the  aborigines  and  their  actual 
institutions  as  observed  by  Europeans,  and  collected 
from  all  available  sources.  All  the  positive  knowl 
edge  therein  collected  is  here  used  to  throw  light  on 
the  darkness  of  traditional  history.  Starting  with  no 
great  theory  to  support,  and  making  no  pretence  of 
reducing  the  vagueness  of  tradition  to  the  certainty  of 
historic  record,  the  author  tells  the  aboriginal  story  as 
he  finds  it  in  the  most  original  and  reliable  authorities 
—a  fascinating  tale,  illustrated  with  all  the  vagaries 
and  quaint  conceits  of  the  native  mind.  The  begin 
ning,  progress,  and  dismemberment  of  the  great  Maya 
empire  of  Central  America,  with  the  more  modern 
Maya-Quiche  epoch  in  Guatemala  and  Yucatan;  the 
successive  Toltec  and  Chichimec  eras  of  Andhuac, 
with  the  more  definite  and  reliable  annals  of  the  great 
Aztec  empire,  are  narrated  as  a  connected  whole  so 
far  as  consistent  with  the  data,  and  detached  historic 
traditions  are  introduced  wherever  they  seem  most 
appropriate  and  intelligible.  No  authentic  native  tra- 


THE  NATIVE  RACES  OF  THE  PACIFIC  STATES.  17 

clition  is  omitted;  no  over-strained  attempt  is  made 
to  reconcile  discordant  historic  elements,  neither  is  a 
spirit  of  misplaced  scepticism  allowed  to  reject  as  use 
less  the  fables  of  the  aboriginal  annals.  The  chapters 
on  the  question  of  Origin  present  a  clear  statement 
of  the  many  theories  that  have  been  brought  forward, 
with  the  facts  on  which  they  rest.  No  claim  is  made 
that  the  author  has  solved  a  problem  which  is  and 
must,  probably,  ever  remain  insoluble;  but  the  opin 
ions — some  resting  on  absurdity,  others  on  a  reason 
able  basis — of  the  many  who  have  solved  it  to  their 
own  satisfaction,  are  given  fully  and  impartially,  leav 
ing  the  reader  to  form  his  own  conclusions.  An 
Index  of  the  whole  five  volumes  will  fill  some  hun 
dreds  of  pages  at  the  close  and  is  a  prominent  feature 
of  the  work.  Constructed  according  to  the  most 
approved  principles,  it  directs  the  reader  at  once  to 
all  that  the  work  contains  on  each  minute  point 
treated,  and  thus  by  way  of  the  notes,  to  all  that  has 
been  written  on  the  Native  Races.  This  Index  is  a 
fitting  end  of  a  most  extensive  literary  work,  and 
multiplies  the  practical  value  of  all  the  matter  that 
precedes  it.  In  it  is  the  name  of  every  tribe,  every 
place,  every  custom  and  characteristic,  every  tongue, 
every  myth,  every  tradition,  and  every  concrete  idea 
embraced  in  the  whole  five  volumes,  with  numerous 
inversions  and  cross-references;  so  that  as  a  work  of 
reference  it  will  be  invaluable.  Nothing  is  of  greater 
importance  in  a  standard  work  of  this  character  than 
a  full  and  complete  Index,  which  refers  the  searcher 
at  once  to  whatever  is  wanted.  Many  a  good  book 
lies  almost  worthless  for  lack  of  this,  and  the  author 
of  the  present  volumes  has  suffered  too  much  in  the 
use  of  poorly  indexed  books,  not  to  take  good  care 
that  his  work  shall  be  free  from  that  defect. 

Thus  the  indigenous  races  of  this  one  twelfth  part 
of  the  earth's  surface  are  portrayed  with  a  compre 
hensiveness  and  a  completeness  hitherto  unparalleled 
in  the  annals  of  literature.  Not  alone  are  the  people, 


18  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

their  physique,  their  architecture,  arts,  and  industries, 
their  political,  social,  and  domestic  life,  vividly  pic 
tured,  but  mind  with  its  inmost  workings  is  analyzed, 
weird  belief  and  wondrous  speech  are  placed  side  by 
side,  and  incomprehensible  conceptions  of  things  in 
comprehensible  are  spread  out,  not  as  postulates  for 
the  support  of  some  preconcerted  theory,  but  as  liv 
ing  unadulterated  facts,  from  which  the  intelligent 
reader  may  make  his  own  deductions. 


As  it  would  be  impracticable  to  enumerate  in  a 
Prospectus  all  the  authorities  referred  to  throughout 
the  whole  series,  a  list  of  the  Authorities  Quoted  in 
the  Native  Races  alone  is  given  as  a  specimen. 

AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Abbot  (Gorham  D.),  Mexico  and  the  United  States.     New  York,  1869. 
Abert  (J.  W.),  Report  of  his  Examination  of  New  Mexico.     1846-7.    (30th 

Congress,  1st  Session,  Senate  Executive  Doc.  41.)     Washington,  .1848. 
About  (Edmond),  Handbook  of  Social  Economy.     New  York,  1873. 
Acazitli  (Francisco  de  Sandoval),  Relacion  de  la  Jornada  que  liizo.     Indios 

Chichimecas  dc  Xuchipila.     In  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn.  ii. 
Acosta  ( Joaquin),  Compendio  Historico  del  Descubrimiento,  etc.  de  la  Nueva 

Granada:     Paris,  1848. 
Acosta  (Josef  de),  Historia  Natural  y  Moral  de  las  Yndias.     Sevilla,  1590. 

[Quoted  as  Hist,  de  las  Ynd.] 
Acosta  (Josef  de),  The  Naturall  and  Morall  Historic  of  the  East  and  West 

Indies.     London,  n.  d.  [1604].     [Quoted  as  Hist.  Nat.  Ind.] 
Adair  (James),  The  History  of  the  American  Indians.    London,  1775.  4to. 
Adelung  (Johaim  Christoph),  see  Vater  (J.  S.),  Mithridates. 
Akademie  der  Wissenschaften,  Sitzungsberichte.     Berlin. 
Alaman  (Lucas),  Disertaciones  sobre  la  Historia  de  la  Republica  Mejicana. 

Mejico,  1844-9.  3  vols. 

Alaman  (Lucas),  Historia  de  Mejico.     Mejico,  1849-52.  5  vols. 
Alarcon  (Fernando),  The  Relation  of  the  Nauigation  and  Discouery  which 

Captaine  Fernando  Alarchon  made,   [1540.]     In  Hakluyt's  Voy.,  vol. 

iii. ;   Ramusio,   Navigationi,  torn.  iii. ;  Teraaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie 

i.,  torn.  ix. 

Album  Mexicano.     Mexico,  1849. 
Alcedo   (Antonio  de),  Diccionario  Geografico  Historico.     Madrid,   1786-9. 

5  vols. 
Alegre    (Francisco  Javier),   Historia  de  la    Compafiia  de  Jesus  en  Nueva 

Espaiia.     Mexk-o,  1841.  3  vols. 
Almaraz  (Kan: on),  Memoria  de  los  trabajos  ejecutadosporla  Comision  Cien- 

tifica  de  Pac.iuca.     Mexico,  1865. 

Almaraz  (Ramon),  Memoria  acerca  de  los  Terrenos  de  Metlaltoyuca.     Mex 
ico,  1866. 
Alric  (Henri  J.  A.),  Dix  Ans  de  Residence  d'un  missionnaire  dans  les  deux 

Californies.     Mexico,  1866. 

Alzate  y  Ramirez  (Jose  Antonio),  Gacetas  de  Literatiira  de  Mexico.     Mex 
ico,  1790-4,  3  vols.;  and  Puebla,  1831.  4  vols. 
Alzate- y  Ramirez  (Jose  Antonio),  Memoria  sobre  la  Naturaleza,  etc.,  de  la 

Grana.     MS.    Mexico,  1777. 

America,  An  Account  of  the  Spanish  Settlements  in.     Edinburgh,  1762. 
American  Annual  Register.     New  York,  1827  et  seq. 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  Transactions  and  Collections.     Worcester, 

etc.,  1820-60.  4  vols. 

American  Ethnological  Society,  Transactions.  New  York,  1845-8.  vols.  i.,iL 
American  Missions,  History  of.     Worcester,  1844. 
American  Notes  and  Queries.     Philadelphia,  1857. 
American  Quarterly  Register.     Philadelphia,  1848  ct  seq. 
VOL.  I,   2 


M 


xviii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

American  (Quarterly  Review.     Philadelphia,  1827  et  seq. 

American  Register.     Philadelphia,  1807  et  seq. 

American  Review.     New  Fork,  1845  et  seq. 

Aincri(|iie  (Vnirale.  Colonisation  du  District  de  Santo-Thomas,  Guate 
mala.  Paris.  1S44. 

Ampere  (J.  .!.),  Promenade  en  Ame'rique.     Paris,  1855.  2  vols. 

Analcs  Mrxicanos  de  Ciencia.    Literature,  etc.     Mexico,  1SGO. 

Anderson  (Alex.  ('.),  Hand-Conk  and  Map  of  Frazer's  and  Thompson's 
Ki\  (•!•>.  San  Francisco,  [1858]. 

Andrews  (W.  S.),  Illustrations  of  the  West  Indies.    London,  [1861].  folio. 

Annates  dec  Voyages.     Paris,  1809-14.  24  vols. 

Annual  of  Selentiiic  Discovery.     Boston,  1850  et  seq. 

Annual  Register.     London,  1787-1807.  47  vols. 

Anson  (George),  A  Voyage  round  the  World,  1740-4.     London,  1707.  4to. 

Antiquites  Mexicaines.  Paris,  1834.  folio.  3  vols.  Text,  2  vols.,  each 
in  2  divisions;  plates,  1  vol. 

Antunez  y  Acevedo  (Rafael),  Memorias  Historicas.     Madrid,  17'.»7. 

Aiiunciacioii  ( Juan  de  la),  Doctrina  Christiana  muy  cumplida.  En  L-iigua 
Castellana  y  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1575. 

Anunciacion  (Juan  de  la),  Sennonario  en  Lengua  Mexicana.    Mexico,  }~>~1. 

Apostolicos  Afanes  de  la  Compaiiia  de  Jesus.     Barcelona,  1754.  4to. 

Aravjo  (Ivan  Martinez  de),  Manual  de  los  Santos  Sacramentos  en  el  Idioma 
de  Mielinacan.  Mexico,  1690. 

Archenholtz  (J.  M.  von),  The  History  of  the  Pirates,  etc.,  of  America.  Lon 
don,  1807. 

Arcluvologiu,  or  Miscellaneous  Tracts  relating  to  Antiquity.  London, 
1770-1857.  57  v«.ls. 

Arenas  (Pedro  de),  Guide  de  la  Conversation  en  trois  Langues,  Franca  is, 
Espagnol  et  Mexicain.  Paris,  1862. 

Arenas  (Pedro  de),  Voealmlario  Manual  de  las  Lenguas  Castellana  y  Mex 
icana.  Mexico,  [1583]. 

Arenas  (Pedro  de),Vocabulario  Manual  de  las  Lenguas  Castellana  y  Mex 
icana.  Puebla,  1831. 

Arizcorreta  (Mariano),  Respuesta  de  Algunos  Propietarios  de  Fincas  Riisti- 
cas,  a .  Mexico,  1849. 

Arlegni  (Joseph  de),  Chronica  de  la  Provincia  de  N.  S.  P.  S.  Francisco  de 
Xacatecas.  Mexico,  1737. 

Armin  (Th.),  Das  Alte  Mexiko.     Leipzig,  1865. 

Armin  (Th.),  Das  Heutige  Mexiko.     Leipzig,  1865. 

Armstrong  (Alex.),  A  Personal  Narrative  of  the  Discovery  of  the  N.  W. 
Passage.  London,  1857. 


Arricivita  (Joan   Domingo),  Cr6nica  Serdfica  y  Apost61ica  del  Colegio  do 

ipaganda  Fide  de  h 
Arte  de  Ja  Lengua  Ndvome,  que  se  dice  Pima.     (Shea's  Linguistics,  No.  5.) 


Propaganda  Fide  de  la  Santa  Cruz  de  Queretaro.     Mexico,  I7i>-. 


San  Augustine,  1862. 
Athanasius,  see  West-Indische  Spieghel. 
Atlantic  Monthly.  Boston,  1858  et  seq. 
Atwater  (Caleh)^  Description  of  the  Antiquities  of  Ohio.  In  Amer.  An- 

tiq.  Soc.,  Transact.,  vol.  i. 

Aubin,  Memoire  sur  1'ecriture  figurative.  Paris,  1849. 
Anger  (Kdonard),  Voyage  en  Californie.  Paris,  1854. 
Avila  (Francisco  de),  Arte  de  la  Lengua  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1717. 

Baegert  (Jacob),  An  Account  of  the  Aboriginal  Inhabitants  of  the  Califor- 
nian  Peninsula.  In  Smithsonian  Report,  1863-4. 

Baer  (K.  E.  von),  Statistische  und  Ethnographische  Nachrichten  iiber  die 
1 1  ussischen  Besitzungeu  an  der  Nordwestkiiste  von  Amerika.  St  Peters 
burg,  1835). 

Baeza  (Bartolom^  del  Granado),  Los  Indios  de  Yucatan.  InRegistro  Yuca- 
teco,  torn.  i. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  xix 

Baily  (John),  Central  America;  describing  Guatemala,  Honduras,  Salva" 
dor,  Nicaragua,  and  Costa  Rica.  London,  1850. 

Bain  (Alexander),  Mind  and  Body;  The  Theories  of  their  Relation.  New 
York,  1873. 

Baldwin  (John  D.),  Ancient  America.     New  York,  1872. 

Barber  (John  W. ),  and  Henry  Howe,  All  the  Western  States  and  Territo 
ries.  Cincinnati,  1867. 

Bdrcena,  (J.  M.  Roa),  Ensayo  de  una  Historia  Anecdotica  de  Mexico. 
Mexico,  1862. 

Barcena,  (J.  M.  Roa),  Leyendas  Mexicanas.     Mexico,  1862. 

Barcia  (Andres  Gonzalez  de),  Historiadores  Primitives  de  las  Indias  Occi- 
dentales.  Madrid,  1749.  folio.  3  vols. 

Bard  (Samuel  A.),  Waikna;  or,  Adventures  on  the  Mosquito  Shore.  [By 
E.  G.  Squier.]  New  York,  1855. 

Baril  (V.  L.),  Mexique.     Douai,  1862. 

Barnard  ( J.  G. ),  and  J.  J.  Williams,  The  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec.  New 
York,  1852.  1  vol.  and  maps. 

Barnes  (Demas),  From  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.    New  York,  1866. 

Barreiro  (Antonio),  Ojeada  sobre  Nuevo-Mexico.     Puebla,  1832. 

Barret-Lennard  (C.),  Travels  in  British  Columbia.    London,  1862. 

Bartlett  (John  Russell),  Personal  Narrative  of  Explorations  and  Incidents  in 
Texas,  N.  Mexico,  California,  Sonora  and  Chihuahua.  New  York, 
1854.  2  vols. 

Bates  (Mrs  D.  B.),  Incidents  on  Land  and  Water.     Boston,  1860. 

Bausa  (Jose  M.),  Bosquejo  Geografico  y  Estadistico  de  Papantla.  In  Soc. 
Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  torn.  v. 

Baxley  (Willis),  What  I  saw  on  the  West  Coast  of  South  and  North  Amer 
ica.  New  York,  1865. 

Bazancourt  (de),  Le  Mexique  Contemporain.     Paris,  1862. 

Beaufoy  (Mark),  Mexican  Illustrations.    London,  1828. 

Beaumont,  Pablo  de  la  Purisima  Concepcion,  Cronica  de  la  Provincia  de  S. 
Pedro  y  S.  Pablo  de  Mechoacan.  MS. 

Becher  (C.  C.),  Mexico.     Hamburg,  1834. 

eechey  (F.  W.),  Narrative  of  a  Voyage  to  the  Pacific,   1825-8.     London, 
1831.  2  vols. 

son  (John),  A  Plea  for  the  Indians.     New  York,  1858. 
elcher  (Edward),  Narrative  of  a  Voyage  round  the  World,  1836-42.    Lon 
don,  1843.  2  vols. 

Bell  (Chas.  N.),  Remarks  on  the  Mosquito  Territory.  In  Lond.  Geog.  Soc., 
Jour.,  vol.  xxxii. 

Bell  (James),  A  system  of  Geography.     Glasgow,  1836.  6  vols. 

Belly  (Felix),  Le  Nicaragua.    Paris,  1870.    2  vols. 

Beltrami  ( J.  C. ),  Le .  Mexiqud.     Paris,   1830.  2  vols. 

Beltran  de  Santa  Rosa  Maria  (Pedro),  Arte  del  IdiomaMaya.    Merida,  1859. 

Benzoni  (Girolamo),  La  Historia  del  Mondo  Nvovo.     Venetia,  1572. 

Benzoni  (Girolamo),  History  of  the  New  World.  (Hakl.  Soc.  ed.)  London, 
1857. 

Berendt  (C.  H.),  Report  of  Explorations  in  Central  America.  In  Smith 
sonian  Report,  1867. 

Berenger,  Collection  de  tons  les  Voyages  faits  autour  du  Monde.  Paris, 
1783-9.  9  vols. 

Borland ier  (Luis),  and  Rafael  Thovel.  Diario  de  Viage  de  la  Comision  de 
Limites.  Mexico,  1850. 

Bernardez  (Josef  de  Rivera),  Descripcion  Breve  de  la  Ciudad  de  Zacatecas. 
Mexico,  1732. 

Betagh  (Wm.),  A  Voyage  round  the  World.     London,  1757. 

Beulloch,  Le  Mexique  en  1823.     London,  1824.  2  vols. 

Biart  (Lucien),  La  Terre  Chaude.     Paris,  [1862]. 

Biart  (Lucien),  La  Terre  Temperee.     Paris,  1866. 
".dwell  (Chas.  Toll.),  The  Isthmus  of  Panama.     London,  1865. 


IX  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Bigelow  (John),  Memoir  of  the  Life  and  Public  Services  of  John  Charles 

Fremont.     New  York,  1850. 

Bigland  (John),  A  Geographical  and  Historical  View  of  the  World.     Lon 
don,  1810.  5  vols. 

Bigler  (H.  W.),  Early  Days  in  Utah  and  Nevada.     MS.,  1872. 
Bingley  (Win.),  Travels  in  North  America.    London,  1821. 
Biondelli  (B.),  Suir  Antica  Lingua  A/u-ca.     Milano,  1800. 
Blagdon  (Francis  Win.),  The   Modern  Geographer.     London,  n.  d.  5  vols. 
Blake  (Wm.  P.),  Geographical  Notes  upon  Russian  America.     (40th  Con- 

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Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Voyage  sur  1'Isthme  de  Tehuantepec.    Paris,  1862. 
Brinton  (Daniel  G.),  The  Myths  of  the  New  World.    New  York,  1868. 
Brissot  (A.),  Voyage  au  Guazacoalcos.     Paris,  1837. 
British  Columbia,  Papers  relating  to  the  Affairs  of.  London,  1859-60.  folio. 

3  vols. 

British  North  America.    London,  n.  d. 

Browne  (J.  Ross),  Adventures  in  the  Apache  Country.    New  York,  1871. 
Browne  (J.  Ross),  Crusoe's  Island,  etc.     New  York,  1864. 
Browne  (J.  Ross),  Resources  of  the  Pacific  States.    San  Francisco,  1869. 
Browne  ( J.  Ross),  A  Sketch  of  the  Settlement  and  Exploration  of  Lower 

California.     San  Francisco,  1869. 
Brownell  (Charles  de  Wolf),  The  Indian  Races  of  North  and  South  America. 

Hartford,  1865. 

Bryant  (Edwin),  Voyage  en  Calif ornie.    Paris,  n.  d. 
Bryant  (Edwin),  What  I  saw  in  California.    New  York,  1858. 
Bucaneers  of  America,  The  History  of.     Boston,  1857. .         •       : 
Buchanan  (James),  Sketches  of  the  History,  Manners  and  Customs  of  the 

N.  American  Indians.     London,  1824. 
Buckle  (Henry  Thomas),  History  of  Civilization  in  England.  London,  1861. 

2  vols. 

Buffum  (E.  Gould),  Six  Months  in  the  Gold  Mines.     Philadelphia,  1850. 
Bulfinch  (Thomas),  Oregon  and  Eldorado.     Boston,   1866. 
Bullock  (W.  H.),  Across  Mexico  in  1864-5.     London,  1866. 
Bullock  (W.  H.),  Six  Months'  Residence  and  Travels  in  Mexico.    London, 

1825.  2  vols. ., 

Biilow  (A.  von),  Der  Freistaat  Nicaragua.     Berlin,  1849. 
Burgoa  (Francisco  de),  Geografica  Descripcion  de  la  Parte  Septentrional  del 

Polo  Artico  de  la  America  (Oajaca).     Mexico,   1674.  4to.  2  vols. 
Burgoa  (Francisco  de),  Palestra  Historial  de  Virtudes,  y  Exemplares  Apos- 

tolicos.     Mexico,  1670.  4to. 
Burkart  (Joseph),   Aufenthalt  und  Reisen  in  Mexico.     Stuttgart,   1836.  2 

vols. 

Burke  (Edmund),  An  Account  of  European  Settlements  in  America.     Lon 
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urney  (James),  A  Chronological  History  of  Northeastern  Voyages  of  Dis 
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Jurney  (James),  A  Chronological  History  of  the  Voyages  of  Discovery  in 

the  South  Sea.     London,  1803-16.  4to.  4  vols. 
Burton  (R.),  The  English  Heroe;  or.  Sir  Francis  Drake  revived.    London, 

1687. 

Burton  (R.  F.),  The  City  of  the  Saints.     London,  1861. 
Buschmann  (Johann  Carl  Fd.),  Das  Apache  als  eine  Athapaskische  Sprache 

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Buschmann  (Johann  Carl  Ed.),  Der  Athapaskische  Sprachstamm.     Berlin, 

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Buschmann  (Johann  Carl  Ed.),   Grammatik    der  Sonorischen    Sprachen. 

Berlin,   1864.     4to. 
Buschmann  (Johann  Carl  Ed. ),  Die  Lautveranderung  Aztekischer  Worter 

in  den  Sonorischen  Sprachen.     Berlin,  [1855].  4to. 
Buschmann    (Johann  Carl   Ed.),  Die   Pima-Sprache   und  die   Sprache  de 

Koloschen.     Berlin,  [1855].  4to. 
Buschmann  (Johann  Carl  Ed. ),  Die  Sprachen  Kizh  und  Netela  von  Neu- 

Californien.     Berlin,  [1855].  4to. 
Buschmann  (Johann  Carl  Ed.),  Die  Spuren  der  Aztekischen  Sprachen  im 

Nordlichen   Mexico  und   Hoheren  Amerikanischen  Norden.     Berlin, 

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Buschmann  (Johann  Carl  Ed. ),  Die  Verwandtschafts-verhaltnisse  der  Atha- 

paskischen  Sprachen.     Berlin,  1863.  4to. 
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xxii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Busehmann  (Johann  ( 'url  Kd.i.  S\  -tmiatix-he  Worttafel  des  Athapaskisehen 
Sprarh>tanims.  Berlin  |1S.V.»J.  Ito. 

Bu>-liinanii  (Johiiim  Carl  Ed.),  Uber  die  Aztekischen  Ortsnamen.  Berlin 
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I'.iissierre  (Th.  de),  L'Empire  Mexieain.     Paris,  1863. 

Bustamante,  (Benigno),  Membria  Geojrafica  y  Estadistica  del  Esta<lo  de 
Guanajuato.  In  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  torn.  i. 

Biistamante  (Carlos  Maria),  Maiianas  de  la  Alameda  de  Mexico.  Mexico, 
6.  2vols. 

Byam  (George),  Wanderings  in  some  of  The  Western  Republics  of  Amer 
ica.  London,  1850. 

Byam  (George),  Wild  Life  in  the  Interior  of  Central  America.  London, 
1849. 

<  'alioza  de  Vaca  (Alvar  Nunez),  Relation.     Translated  from  the  Spanish  by 

Buckingham  Smith.     New  York,  1871.  4to. 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  (Alvar  Nunez),  Relatipne.    In  Ramusio,  Navig..  torn,   iii.; 

Barcia,  Historiadores  Prim.,  torn,  i.;  Ternaiix-Compaiis,  Voy.,  serie  i., 

torn.  vii. 
Cabrera  (Jose"  Maria),  Estadistica  de  la  Municipalidad  de  Nativitas.     In 

Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  torn,  ii  . 
Cabrera  (Jos  •  Maria),  Sobre  el  Origen  de  la  Palabra  Mexico.    In  Soc.  Mex. 

Geog.,  Boletin,  torn.  viii. 

Cabrera  (Paul  Felix),  Tcatro  Critico  Americano.    In  Rio.  (Ant.  del.),  De 
scription  of  an  Ancient  City. 
Cabn-ra  Hucno   (Joseph   Gonzalez),    Navegacion   Especvlativa  y  Practiea. 

Manila,  1734.  folio. 
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1683.     In  Voy.  de  1'Empereur  de  la  Chine. 
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Sacerdote.     Valencia,  1794. 
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Calvo  (Charles),  Recueil  Comnlet  des  Traite's.     Paris,  1862-7.  16  vols. 
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Nouvelles  Annales  des  Voy.,  1843,  torn,  xcviii-ix. 
Caniltbell,  A  Concise  History  of  Spanish  America.     London,   1741. 
Campbell  (Archibald),  A  Voyage  round  the  World.     Edinburgh,   1816. 
Caucio  (Lorenzo),   Cartas,  aYio  de  1766.     In  Doc.    Hist.   Mex.,   serie   iv., 

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Capron  (E.  S.),  History  of  California.     Boston,  1854. 
Carbajal  Espinosa  (Francisco),  Historia  de  Me\i<  «>  dcsde  los  primeros  tieni- 

].os  d,.  ,|ne  hay  noticia.     Mex.  1862.  vols.,  i.,  ii. 
Carbajal  (Francisco  Leon),  Discurso  sobre  la  Legislacion  de  los  Antiguos 

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Carleton  (James  Henry),  Diary  of  an  Excursion  to  the  Ruins  of  Abo,  etc., 

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Carochi  (Horacio),  Compendio  del  Arte  de  la  Lengua  Mexicana .  . . .  Dis- 
puesto.  .  .  .per  el  P.  Ignacio  de  Paredes.  Mexico,  1759. 

Carpenter  (Wm.  W.),  Travels  and  Adventures  in  Mexico.  New  York, 
1851. 

Carranza  (Domingo  Gonzales),  A  Geographical  Description  of . .  .  .the  West 
Indies.  London,  1740. 

Carriedo  ( Juan  B. ),  Los  Palacios  Antiguos  de  Mitla.  In  Ilustracion  Mex 
icana.,  torn.  ii. 

Carrington  (Mrs  M.  J.),  Absaraka,  Home  of  the  Crows.    Philadelphia,  1868. 

Cartari  ( Vicenzo),  Le  vere  e  nove  Imagini  de  gli  Dei  delli  Antichi.  Padoua, 
.1615. 

Cartas  Edificantes  y  Curiosas  Escritas  de  las  Missiones  Estrangeras  por 
algunos  missioneros  de  la  Comp.  de  Jesus.  Madrid.  1755-7.  16  vols. 

Carvalho  (S.  N.),  Incidents  of  Travel  and  Adventure  in  the  Far  West. 
New  York,  1858. 

Castaileda  de  Nagera  (Pedro  de),  Relation  du  Voyage  de  Cibola.  In  Ter- 
naux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  i.,  torn.  ix.  Paris,  1838. 

Castano  de  Sosa  (Gaspar),  Memoria  del  Desciibrirniento . .  .  .del  Nuevo 
Reino  de  Leon.  1590.  In  Pacheco,  Col.  de  Doc.  Ined.,  torn.  iv. 

Catecismo  en  Idioma  Mixteco.     Puebla,  1837. 

Cathecismo  y  Suma  de  la  Doctrina  Christiana ....  por  el  III.  Concilio  Pro 
vincial,  1585.  MS. 

Catherwood  (F.),  Views  of  Ancient  Monuments  in  Central  America,  Chia 
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Catlin  (George),  Illustrations  of  the  Manners,  Customs  and  Condition  of 
the  North  American  Indians.  London,  1866.  2  vols. 

Catlin  (George),  Okeepa.     Philadelphia,  1867. 

Cavo  (Andres),  Los  Tres  Siglos  de  Mexico.     Mexico,  1836-8.  4  vols. 

Chambers'  Edinburgh  Journal.     London,  1834  et  seq. 

Champagnac  ( J.  B.  J. ),  Le  Jeune  Voyageur  en  Californie.     Paris,  n.  d. 

Chandless  (Win.),  A  Visit  to  Salt  Lake.     London,  1857. 

Chappe  D'Auteroche,  Voyage  en  Californie.     Paris,  1772.  4to. 

Charlevoix  (Fr.  Xav.  de),  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France.  Paris,  1744. 
4to.  3  vols. 

Charnay  (Desire),  Cites  et  Ruines  Americaines. . . .  Avec  un  Texte  par  M. 
Viollet-le-I)uc.  Paris,  1863.  With  folio  atlas  of  photographs. 

Charpenne  (Pierre),  Mon  Voyage  an  Mexique.     Paris,  1836.  2  vols. 

Chateaubriand  (de),  Voyages  en  Amerique.     Paris,  n.d. 

Chaves  (G.),  Rapport  sur  la  Province  de  Meztitlan.  1579.  In  Ternaux- 
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Chevalier  (Michel),  L'Isthine  de  Panama.     Paris,  1844. 

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Chevalier  (Michel),  Le  Mexique,  Ancien  et  Moderne.     Paris,  1864. 

Chimalpopocatl  (Faustino  Galicia,,  Disertacion  sobre  la  Riqueza,  etc.,  del 
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Chinook  Jargon,  Vocabulary.     San  Francisco,   1860. 

Chipman  (C. ),  Mineral  Resources  of  Northern  Mexico.     New  York,  1868. 

Choris  (Louis),  Voyage  Pittoresque  autour  du  Monde.     Paris,  1822.  folio. 

Choules  (John  O.),  and  Thomas  Smith,  The  Origin  and  History  of  Mis 
sions.  New  York,  1851.  4to.  2  vols. 

Cincinnatus,  Travels  on  the  Western  Slope  of  the  Mexican  Cordillera.  San 
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Clark  (Joseph  G. ),  Lights  and  Shadows  of  Sailor  Life.     Boston,  1848. 

Clavigero  (Francesco  Saverio),  Storia  della  California.  Venezia,  1789.  2 
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Clavigero  (Francesco  Saverio),  Storia  Antica  del  Messico.  Cesena,  1780. 
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Cockburn  (John),  A  Journey  Overland  from  the  Gulf  of  Honduras  to  the 
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Collinson  (II.),  Account  of  the  Proceedings  of    H.  M.  S.  Enterprise,  from 

Behrtng  htrait  to  Cambridge  Bay.     In  Lond.   Geog.  Soc.,  Jour.,  vol. 

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Christoforo  Colombo  sno  Padre.     Venctia,  1709. 
Colon   (Fernando),    La   Historia  del   Almirante   D.    Christoval    Colon   su 

Padre.     In  Barcia,  Historiadores  Prim.,  torn.  i. 
Col  ton  (Walter),  Deck  and  Port.     New  York,  1800. 
Co  It  011  (Walter),  The  Land  of  Gold.     New  York,  1860. 
Colton  (Walter),  Three  Years  in  California.     New  York,  1850. 
Comhier  (C.),  Voyage  au  Golfe  de  Californie.     Paris,  n.d. 
Commettant  (Oscar),  Les  Civilisations  Inconnnes.     Paris,  1863. 
Comite  d'Archeologie  Ame"ricaine,  Annuaire.     Paris,  1866-7. 
Concilios   Prpvinciules  Mexicanos.     1°,  2°,  3°,  y  4°;  1555,  1565,  1585,  1771. 

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Cornier  (Josiah),  Mexico  and  Guatemala.     London,  1831.  2  vols. 
Cook  (James),  A  Voyage  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.     London,  1784.  4to.  3  vols. 

and  folio  atlas. 

Cooke  (P.  St  G.),  Scenes  and  Adventures  in  the  Army.    Philadelphia,  1857. 
Cooper,  The  History  of  North  America.     London,  1789. 
Coreal  (Francois),  Voyages  aux  Iiules  Occidentales.     Paris,  1722.  2  vols. 
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vol.  iii. 
Cotheal  (Alex.  ,1.\  A  Grammatical  Sketch  of  the  Language  spoken  by  the 

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vol.  ii. 
Coulter  (John),  Adventures  on  the  Western  Coast  of  South  America  ami 

the  Interior  of  California.     London,  1847.  2  vols. 
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vol.  v. 
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Crespi  (Juan),  Via^e  de  la  Espedicioii  de  Tierra  de  San  Diego  a  Monterey. 
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Crowe  (Frederick),  The  Gospel  in  Central  America.     London,  1850. 

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Cullen,  The  Isthmus  of  Darien  Ship  Canal.     London,  1853. 

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Scherzer  (Karl),  Die  India icr  von  Istldvacan.     Wien,   1856. 
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Shea  (John  Gilnlary),  History  of  the  Catholic  Missions  among  the  Indians 

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Shea  (John  Gilmary),  Library  of  American  Linguistics.  [Quoted  separately.] 
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Shepard  (A.  K.),  The  Land  of  the  Aztecs.     Albany,  1859. 
Shepard  (A.  K.),  Papers  on  Spanish  America.     Albany,  1868. 
Shuck  (Oscar  T.),  The  California  Scrap-Book.     San  Francisco,  I860. 
Shufcldt  (Robert  W.),  Reports  of   Explorations.      Ship-Canal   by  way  of 

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Sigiienza  y  G6ngora  (Carlos  de),  Parayso  Occidental.     Mexico,  1684. 
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Simon   (Mrs),    The   Ten   Tribes  of  Israel  Historically  identified  with  the 

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Simpson  (George),    Narrative  of  a   Journey  round  the  World.     London, 

1847.  2  vols. 
Simpson  (James  H.),  Coronado's  March  in  search  of  the  "Seven  Cities  of 

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Simpson  (James  H.),  Journal  of  a  Military  Reconnoissance  from  Santa  Fe  to 

the  Navajo  Country.     Philadelphia,  1852. 

Simpson  (James  H.),  The  Shortest  Route  to  California.    Philadelphia,  1869. 
Simpson  (Thomas),  Narrative  of  the  Discoveries  on  the  North  Coast  of 

America.     London,  1843. 

Sitgreaves  (L.),  Report  of  an  Expedition  down  the  Zufii  and  Colorado  Riv 
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Hist.  Mex.,  serie  iv.,  torn.  iii. 
Zuazo  (Alonso),  Carte  del  Licenciado al  Padre  Fray  Luis  de  Figueroa. 

In  Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc.,  torn.  i. 
Zufiiga  (Ignacio).  Rapida  Ojeada  al  Estado  de  Sonpra.     [Coup  d'Oeil,  etc.] 

In  Nouvelles  Annales  des  Voy.,  1842.  torn,  xciii. 
Zurita  (Alonzo  de),  Rapport  sur  les  Differentes  Classes  de  Chefs  de  la  Nou- 

velle  Espagne.     In  Teruaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.,  torn.  i.     Paris, 

1840. 


THE   NATIVE   RACES 

OF  THE 

PACIFIC   STATES. 


WILD    TRIBES. 
CHAPTER  I. 

ETHNOLOGICAL    INTRODUCTION. 

FACTS  AND  THEORIES  —  HYPOTHESES  CONCERNING  ORIGIN  —  UNITY  OP  KACE — 
DIVERSITY  OF  KACE — SPONTANEOUS  GENERATION — ORIGIN  OF  ANIMALS  AND 
PLANTS — PRIMORDIAL  CENTRES  OF  POPULATION — DISTRIBUTION  OF  PLANTS 
AND  ANIMALS — ADAPTABILITY  OF  SPECIES  TO  LOCALITY — CLASSIFICATION 
OF  SPECIES — ETHNOLOGICAL  TESTS— BACES  OF  THE  PACIFIC — FIRST  INTER 
COURSE  WITH  EUROPEANS. 

Facts  are  the  raw  material  of  science.  They  are  to 
philosophy  and  history,  what  cotton  and  iron  are  to 
cloth  and  steam-engines.  Like  the  raw  material  of  the 
manufacturer,  they  form  the  bases  of  innumerable  fabrics, 
are  woven  into  many  theories  finely  spun  or  coarsely 
spun,  which  wear  out  with  time,  become  unfashionable, 
or  else  prove  to  be  indeed  true  and  fit,  and  as  such  re 
main.  This  raw  material  of  the  scholar,  like  that  of  the 
manufacturer,  is  always  a  staple  article ;  its  substance 
never  changes,  its  value  never  diminishes ;  whatever 
may  be  the  condition  of  society,  or  howsoever  advanced 
the  mind,  it  is  indispensable.  Theories  may  be  only  for 
the  day,  but  facts  are  for  all  time  and  for  all  science. 
When  we  remember  that  the  sum  of  all  knowledge  is 
but  the  sum  of  ascertained  facts,  and  that  every  new 


2  ETHNOLOGICAL  INTRODUCTION. 

fact  brought  to  light,  preserved,  and  thrown  into  the 
general  fund,  is  so  much  added  to  the  world's  store  of 
knowledge, — when  we  consider  that,  broad  and  far  as  our 
theories  may  reach,  the  realm  of  definite,  tangible,  ascer 
tained  truth  is  still  of  so  little  extent,  the  irnpoi  tai.ce 
of  every  never-so-insignificant  acquisition  is  manifest. 
Compare  any  fact  with  the  fancies  which  have  been 
prevalent  concerning  it,  and  consider,  I  will  not  say 
their  relative  brilliance,  but  their  relative  importance. 
Take  electricity,  how  many  explanations  have  been 
given  of  the  lightning  and  the  thunder,  yet  there  is  but 
one  fact;  the  atmosphere,  how  many  howling  demons 
have  directed  the  tempest,  how  many  smiling  deities 
moved  in  the  soft  breeze.  For  the  one  all-sufficient 
First  Cause,  how  many  myriads  of  gods  have  been  set 
up;  for  every  phenomenon  how  many  causes  have  been 
invented  ;  with  every  truth  how  many  untruths  have 
contended,  with  every  fact  how  many  fancies.  The 
profound  investigations  of  latter-day  philosophers  are 
nothing  but  simple  and  laborious  inductions  from  ascer 
tained  facts,  facts  concerning  attraction,  polarity,  chemi 
cal  affinity  and  the  like,  for  the  explanation  of  which 
there  are  countless  hypotheses,  each  hypothesis  involving 
multitudes  of  speculations,  all  of  which  evaporate  as  the 
truth  slowly  crystallizes.  Speculation  is  valuable  to 
science  only  as  it  directs  the  mind  into  otherwise-undis- 
coverable  paths ;  but  when  the  truth  is  found,  there  is 
an  end  to  speculation. 

So  much  for  facts  in  general ;  let  us  now  look  for  a 
moment  at  the  particular  class  of  facts  of  which  this 
work  is  a  collection. 

The  tendency  of  philosophic  inquiry  is  more  and  more 
toward  the  origin  of  things.  In  the  earlier  stages  of 
intellectual  impulse,  the  mind  is  almost  wholly  absorbed 
in  ministering  to  the  necessities  of  the  present ;  next,  the 
mysterious  uncertainty  of  the  after  life  provokes  inquiry, 
and  contemplations  of  an  eternity  of  the  future  command 
attention  ;  but  not  until  knowledge  is  well  advanced 


TENDENCY  OF  PHILOSOPHIC  INQUIRY.  3 

does  it  appear  that  there  is  likewise  an  eternity  of  the 
past  worthy  of  careful  scrutiny, — without  which  scrutiny, 
indeed,  the  eternity  of  the  future  must  forever  remain 
a  sealed  book.  Standing  as  we  do  between  these 
two  eternities,  our  view  limited  to  a  narrow  though 
gradually  widening  horizon,  as  nature  unveils  her  mys 
teries  to  our  inquiries,  an  infinity  spreads  out  in  either 
direction,  an  infinity  of  minuteness  no  less  than  an 
infinity  of  immensity ;  for  hitherto,  attempts  to  reach  the 
ultimate  of  molecules,  have  proved  as  futile  as  attempts 
to  reach  the  ultimate  of  masses.  Now  man,  the  noblest 
work  of  creation,  the  only  reasoning  creature,  standing- 
alone  in  the  midst  of  this  vast  sea  of  undiscovered  truth,— 
ultimate  knowledge  ever  receding  from  his  grasp,  primal 
causes  only  thrown  farther  back  as  proximate  problems 
are  solved, — man,  in  the  study  of  mankind,  must  follow 
his  researches  in  both  of  these  directions,  backward  as 
well  as  forward,  must  indeed  derive  his  whole  knowl 
edge  of  what  man  is  and  will  be  from  what  he  has  been. 
Thus  it  is  that  the  study  of  mankind  in  its  minuteness 
assumes  the  grandest  proportions.  Yiewed  in  this  light 
there  is  not  a  feature  of  primitive  humanity  without  sig 
nificance;  there  is  not  a  custom  or  characteristic  of  sav 
age  nations,  however  mean  or  revolting  to  us,  from  which 
important  lessons  may  not  be  drawn.  It  is  only  from 
the  study  of  barbarous  and  partially  cultivated  nations 
that  we  are  able  to  comprehend  man  as  a  progressive 
being,  and  to  recognize  the  successive  stages  through 
which  our  savage  ancestors  have  passed  on  their  way  to 
civilization.  With  the  natural  philosopher,  there  is  little 
thought  as  to  the  relative  importance  of  the  manifold 
works  of  creation.  The  tiny  insect  is  no  less  an  object 
of  his  patient  scrutiny,  than  the  wonderful  and  complex 
machinery  of  the  cosmos.  The  lower  races  of  men,  in 
the  study  of  humanity,  he  deems  of  as  essential  import 
ance  as  the  higher  ;  our  present  higher  races  being  but 
the  lower  types  of  generations  yet  to  come. 

Hence,  if  in  the   following   pages,   in   the  array  of 


CHAPTER  II. 


HYPERBOREANS. 

GENERAL  DIVISIONS— HYPERBOREAN  NATIONS— ASPECTS  OF  NATURE— VEGETA 
TION —  CLIMATE  —  ANIMALS  —  THE  ESKIMOS— THEIR  COUNTRY— PHYSICAL 
CHARACTERISTICS  —  DRESS  —  DWELLINGS  —  FOOD  —  WEAPONS  —  BOOTS  — 
SLEDGES— SNOW-SHOES— GOVERNMENT— DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS— AMUSEMENTS 
— DISEASES— BURIAL— THE  KONIAGAS,  THEIR  PHYSICAL  AND  SOCIAL  CON 
DITION—THE  ALEUTS— THE  THLINKEETS— THE  TINNEH. 

I  shall  attempt  to  describe  the  physical  and  mental 
characteristics  of  the  Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States 
under  seven  distinctive  groups;  namely,  I.  Hyperbo 
reans,  being  those  nations  whose  territory  lies  north  of 
the  fifty-fifth  parallel;  II.  Columbians,  who  dwell  be 
tween  the  fifty -fifth  and  forty -second  parallels,  and 
whose  lands  to  some  extent  are  drained  by  the  Columbia 
River  and  its  tributaries;  III.  Californians,  and  the  In 
habitants  of  the  Great  Basin;  IV.  New  Mexicans, 
including  the  nations  of  the  Colorado  River  and  northern 
Mexico;  V.  Wild  Tribes  of  Mexico;  VI.  Wild  Tribes  of 
Central  America;  VII.  Civilized  Nations  of  Mexico  and 
Central  America.  It  is  my  purpose,  without  any  attempt 
at  ethnological  classification,  or  further  comment  con 
cerning  races  and  stocks,  plainly  to  portray  such  customs 
and  characteristics  as  were  peculiar  to  each  people  at  the 
time  of  its  first  intercourse  with  European  strangers; 
leaving  scientists  to  make  their  own  deductions,  and 
draw  specific  lines  between  linguistic  and  physiological 
families,  as  they  may  deem  proper.  I  shall  endeavor  to 
picture  these  nations  in  their  aboriginal  condition,  as  seen 


3G  HYPERBOKEANS. 

by  the'  first  invaders,  as  described^  by  those  who  beheld 
them  in  their  savage  grandeur,  and  before  they  "were 
startled  from  their  lair  by  the  treacherous  voice  of  civilized 
friendship.  Now  they  are  gone, — those  dusky  denizens 
of  a  thousand  forests, — melted  like  hoar-frost  before  the 
rising  sun  of  a  superior  intelligence ;  and  it  is  only  from 
the  earliest  records,  from  the  narratives  of  eye  witnesses, 
many  of  them  rude  unlettered  men,  trappers,  sailors, 
and  soldiers,  that  we  are  able  to  know  them  as  they 
were.  Some  division  of  the  work  into  parts,  how 
ever  arbitrary  it  may  be,  is  indispensable.  In  deal 
ing  with  Mythology,  and  in  tracing  the  tortuous  course 
of  Language,  boundaries  will  be  dropped  and  beliefs 
and  tongues  will  be  followed  wherever  they  lead ;  but  in 
describing  Manners  and  Customs,  to  avoid  confusion, 
territorial  divisions  are  necessary. 

In  the  groupings  which  I  have  adopted,  one  cluster  of 
nations  follows  another  in  geographical  succession;  the 
dividing  line  not  being  more  distinct,  perhaps,  than  that 
which  distinguishes  some  national  divisions,  but  suffi 
ciently  marked,  in  mental  and  physical  peculiarities,  to 
entitle  each  group  to  a  separate  consideration. 

The  only  distinction  of  race  made  by  naturalists,  upon 
the  continents  of  both  North  and  South  America,  until 
a  comparatively  recent  period,  was  by  segregating  the 
first  of  the  above  named  groups  from  all  other  people  of 
both  continents,  and  calling  one  Mongolians  and  the 
other  Americans.  A  more  intimate  acquaintance  with 
the  nations  of  the  North  proves  conclusively  that  one 
of  the  boldest  types  of  the  American  Indian  proper,  the 
Tinneh,  lies  within  the  territory  of  this  first  group, 
conterminous  with  the  Mongolian  Eskimos,  and  crowding 
them  down  to  a  narrow  line  along  the  shore  of  the  Arctic 
Sea.  The  nations  of  the  second  group,  although  exhibit 
ing  multitudinous  variations  in  minor  traits,  are  essen 
tially  one  people.  Between  the  California  Diggers  of 
the  third  division  and  the  New  Mexican  Towns -people 
of  the  fourth,  there  is  more  diversity ;  and  a  still  greater 


GROUPINGS  AND  SUBDIVISIONS.  37 

difference  between  the  savage  and  civilized  nations  of 
the  Mexican  table-land.  Any  classification  or  division 
of  the  subject  which  could  be  made  would  be  open  to 
criticism.  I  therefore  adopt  the  most  simple  practical 
plan,  one  which  will  present  the  subject  most  clearly  to 
the  general  reader,  and  leave  it  in  the  best  shape  for 
purposes  of  theorizing  and  generalization. 

In  the  first  or  HYPERBOREAN  group,  to  which  this  chap 
ter  is  devoted,  are  five  subdivisions,  as  follows:  The  7^/  •/'- 
mos,  commonly  called  Western  Eskimos,  who  skirt  the 
shores  of  the  Arctic  Ocean  from  Mackenzie  River  to  Kotzo 
bue  Sound  ;  the  Kontayas  or  Southern  Eskimos,  who,  com 
mencing  at  Kotzebue  Sound,  cross  the  Kaviak  Peninsula. 
border  on  Bering  Sea  from  Norton  Sound  southward, 
and  stretch  over  the  Alaskan1  Peninsula  and  Koniagan 

i  Of  late,  custom  gives  to  the  main  land  of  Russian  America,  the  name  Alas 
ka;  to  the  peninsula,  Allaska;  and  to  u  large  island  of  the  Aleutian  Archipelago, 
UtiaUishka.  The  word  of  which  the  present  name  Alaska  is  a  corruption,  is 
first  encountered  in  the  narrative  of  Betsevin,  who,  in  1761,  wintered  on  the 
peninsula,  supposing  it  to  be  an  island.  The  author  of  Neue  NachricMen  von 
denen  nenentdekteii  Jusuln,  writes,  page  53,  '  womit  man  nach  der  abgelegen- 
sten  Insul  Aliikwi  oder  AJaclischak  iiber  gieng.'  Again,  at  page  57,  in  giving 
a  description  of  the  animals  on  the  supposed  island  he  calls  it  'auf  d*  r  Insul 
Alfiskit.'  'This,'  says  Coxe,  Russian  Discoveries,  p.  72,  '  is  probably  the  same 
island  which  is  laid  down  in  Krenitzin's  chart  under  the  name  of  Ahtxu.' 
UnalO8chka*iB  given  by  the  author  of  Rene  Nachriclden,  p.  ^4,  in  his  nar 
rative  of  the  voyage  of  Drusinin,  who  hunted  on  that  island  in  1763.  At  pa.^o 
115  he  again  mentions  the  'grosse  Insul  Ah'iksu.'  On  page  125,  in  Glottoff's 
log-book,  171'4,  is  the  entry:  'Den28sten  May  der  Wind  Ostsiidost;  man  kam 
an  die  Insul  Alaska  oder  Alflksa.'  Still  following  the  author  of  Xeue^'ncli- 
richfan,  we  have  on  page  160,  in  an  account  of  the  voyages  of  Otseredin  and 
Popoff,  who  hunted  upon  the  Aleutian  Islands  in  1769,  mention  of  a  report 
by  the  natives  'that  beyond  Unimak  is  said  to  be  a  large  land  Aliischka,  the 
extent  of  which  the  islanders  do  not  know.'  On  Cook's  Atlas,  voyage  1778, 
the  peninsula  is  called  Alaska,  and  the  island  Oonalaska.  La  Perouse,  in  his 
atlas,  map  No.  15,  1783,  calls  the  peninsula  Alaska,  and  the  island  OuntiluxLtt. 


The  Spaniards,  in  the  Atlas  para  el  Viaye  de  las  yoletas  tiutil  y  Mexwana, 
1792,  write  Alasvi  for  the  peninsula,  and  for  the  island  Unalaska'  Sauer,  in 
his  account  of  Billings'  expedition,  1790,  calls  the  main  land  Alaska,  the 
peninsula  Alyaska,  and  the  island  Oonalashka.  Wrangell,  in  Baer's  St'ilis- 
fiscM  und  eth'nntiraphische  Nachrichien,  p.  123,  writes  for  the  peninsula  Alaska 
and  for  the  island  Unal'ischka.  Holiuberg,  Ethnograph'ixcke  Skizzen,  p.  78f 
calls  the  island  Uirtlaschkn  and  the  peninsula  A'jaska.  Dall,  Alaska,  p.  529, 
says  that  the  peninsula  or  main  land  was  called  by  the  natives  .•!/'//»/,>•</, 
and  the  island  Na-jim-al'iyeks'i,  'or  the  land  near  Alayeksa.'  Thus  we 
have,  from  which  to  choose,  the  orthography  of  the  earliest  voyagers  to  this 
coast  —  Russian,  English,  French,  Spanish,  German,  and  American.  The 
simple  word  Altksn  after  undergoing  many  contortions,  some  authors  writ 
ing  it  differently  on  different  pages  of  the  same  book,  has  at  length  become 
Alaska,  as  applied  to  the  main  laud;  Aliaska  for  the  peninsula,  and  Una- 


PHYSICAL  CHAKACTEKISTICS.  45 

noise  of  spouting  whales  and  barking  seals ;  and  this  so 
lately  dismal,  cheerless  region,  blooms  with  an  exhuher- 
ance  of  life  equaled  only  by  the  shortness  of  its  dura 
tion.  And  in  token  of  a  just  appreciation  of  the 
Creator's  goodness,  this  animated  medley — man,  and 
beasts,  and  birds,  and  fishes — rises  up,  divides,  falls  to, 
and  ends  in  eating  or  in  being  eaten. 

The  physical  characteristics  of  the  Eskimos  are:  a 
fair  complexion,  the  skin,  when  free  from  dirt  and  paint, 
being  almost  white;15  a  medium  stature,  well  propor 
tioned,  thick-set,  muscular,  robust,  active,16  with  small 
and  beautifully  shaped  hands  and  feet;17  a  pyramidal 

tf  '  Their  complexion,  if  divested  of  its  usual  covering  of  dirt,  can  hardly 
be  called  dark.'  Seemann's  Voy.  Herald,  vol.  ii.,  p.  51.  'In  comparison 
with  other  Americans,  of  a  white  complexion.'  McCulloh's  Aboriginal  His 
tory  of  America,  p.  20.  '  White  Complexion,  not  Copper  coloured!'  Dobbs* 
Hudson's  Hay,  p.  50.  'Almost  as  white  as  Europeans.'  Kalm's  Travels, 
vol.  ii.,  p.  263.  'Not  darker  than  that  of  a  Portuguese.'  Lyon's  Journal, 
p.  224.  '  Scarcely  a  shade  darker  than  a  deep  brunette.'  Parry's  3rd  Voy 
age,  p.  493.  '  Their  complexion  is  light. '  DalVs  Alaska,  p.  381.  'Eye-wit 
nesses  agree  in  their  superior  lightness  of  complexion  over  the  Chinooks. ' 
Pickering's  Races  of  Man,  U.  S.  Ex.  Ex.,  vol.  ix.,  p.  28.  At  Coppermine 
River  they  are  '  of  a  dirty  copper  color;  some  of  the  women,  however,  are  more 
fair  and  ruddy.'  Hearne's  Travels,  p.  166.  '  Considerably  fairer  than  the  In 
dian  tribes.'  Simpson's  Nar.,  p.  110.  At  Cape  Bathurst  'The  complexion  is 
swarthy,  chiefly,  I  think,  from  exposure  and  the  accumulation  of  dirt.' 
Armstrong's  Nar.,  p.  192.  'Shew  little  of  the  copper -colour  of  the  Red 
Indians.'  Richardson's  Pol.  Reg.,  p.  303.  ' From  exposure  to  weather  they 
become  dark  after  manhood.'  Richardson's  Nar.,  vol.  i.,  p.  343. 

16  'Both  sexes  are  well  proportioned,  stout,  muscular,  and  active.'     See- 
tnann's  Voy.  Herald,  vol.  ii.,  p.  50.     'A  stout,  well-looking  people.'     Simp 
son's  Nar.,  pp.  110,  114.     '  Below  the  mean  of  the  Caucasian  race.'    Dr. 
Hayes  in  Historic.  Magazine,  vol.  i.,  p.  6.     '  They  are  thick  set,  have  a  de 
cided  tendency  to  obesity,  and  are  seldom  more  than  five  feet  in  height. ' 
Figuier's  Human  Race, p.  211.     At  Kotzebue  Sound,  'tallest  man  was  five  feet 
nine  inches;  tallest  woman,  five  feet  four  inches.'     Beechey's  Voy.,  vol.  i.,  p. 
360.     'Average  height  was  five  feet  four  and  a  half  inches.'    At  the  mouth 
of  the  Mackenzie  they  are  of  'middle  stature,  strong  and  muscular.'    Arm 
strong's  Nar.,  pp.  149,  192.     Low,  broad-set,  not  well  made,  nor  strong. 
Hearne's  Trav.,  p.  166.     '  The  men  were  in  general  stout. '     Franklin's  Nar., 
vol.  i.,  p.  29.     'Of  a  middle  size,  robust  make,  and  healthy  appearance.' 
Kotzebue's  Voy.,  vol.  i.,  p.  209.     '  Men  vary  in  height  from  about  five  feet  to 
five  feet  ten  inches.'     Richardson's  Pol.  Reg.,  p.  304.    .'Women  were  gen 
erally  short.'     '  Their  figure  inclines  to  squat.'     Hooper's  Tuski,  p.  224. 

17  '  Tous  les  individus  qui  appartienneut  a  la  famille  des  Eskimaux,  se 
distinguent  par  la  petitesse  de  leurs  pieds  et  de  leurs  mains,  et  la  grosseur 
enorme  de  leurs  tetes.'     JJe  Pauw.  Recherche*  Phil.,  toin.  i.,  p.  262.     'The 
bauds  and  feet  are  delicately  small  and  well  formed.'    Richardson's  Pol. 
Reg.,  p.  304.     '  Small  and  beautifully  made.'     tieemann's  Voy.  Herald,  vol. 
ii.,  p.  50.     At  Point  Barrow,  'their  hands,  notwithstanding  the  great  amount 
of  manual  labour  to  which  they  are  subject,  were  beautifully  small  and  well- 


THE   NATIVE   RACES 

OF  THK 

PACIFIC    STATES. 

CIVILIZED  NATIONS. 
CHAPTER  I. 

SAVAGISM     AND     CIVILIZATION. 

DEFINITION  OF  THE  TERMS — FORCE  AND  NATURE — THE  UNIVERSAL 
SOUL  OF  PROGRESS — MAN  THE  INSTRUMENT  AND  NOT  THE  ELEMENT 
OF  PROGRESS— ORIGIN  OF  PROGRESSION AL  PHENOMENA— THE  AGENCY 
OF  EVIL— Is  CIVILIZATION  CONDUCIVE  TO  HAPPINESS?— OBJECTIVE 
AND  SUBJECTIVE  HUMANITY— CONDITIONS  ESSENTIAL  TO  PROGRESS 
—CONTINENTAL  CONFIGURATIONS— FOOD  AND  CLIMATE— WEALTH 
AND  LEISURE — ASSOCIATION — WAR,  SLAVERY,  RELIGION,  AND  GOV 
ERNMENT — MORALITY  AND  FASHION — THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  PRO- 
GRESSIONAL  LAW. 

The  terms  Savage  and  Civilized,  as  applied  to  races 
of  men,  are  relative  and  not  absolute  terms.  At  best 
these  words  mark  only  broad  shifting  stages  in  human 
progress;  the  one  near  the  point  of  departure,  the  other 
farther  on  toward  the  unattainable  end.  This  progress 
is  one  and  universal,  though  of  varying  rapidity  and 
extent;  there  are  degrees  in  savagism  and  there  are 
degrees  in  civilization;  indeed,  though  placed  in  opposi 
tion,  the  one  is  but  a  degree  of  the  other.  The  Hai- 
dah,  whom  we  call  savage,  is  as  much  superior  to  the 
Shoshone,  the  lowest  of  Americans,  as  the  Aztec  is 
superior  to  the  Haidah,  or  the  European  to  the  Aztec. 


CHAPTEK   II. 


GENERAL    VIEW    OF    THE    CIVILIZED    NATIONS. 

THE  AMERICAN  CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY— ITS  DISAP 
PEARANCE—THE  PAST,  A  NEW  ELEMENT— DIVIDING  LINE  BETWEEN 
SAVAGE  AND  CIVILIZED  TRIBES  —  BOUNDS  OF  AMERICAN  CIVILIZA 
TION—PHYSICAL  FEATURES  OF  THE  COUNTRY— MAYA  AND  NAHUA 
BRANCHES  OF  ABORIGINAL  CULTURE  —  THE  NAHUA  CIVILIZATION— 
THE  AZTECS  ITS  REPRESENTATIVES — LIMITS  OF  THE  AZTEC  EMPIRE- 
ANCIENT  HISTORY  OF  ANAHUAC  IN  OUTLINE — THE  TOLTEC  ERA — THE 
CHICHIMEC  ERA — THE  AZTEC  ERA — EXTENT  OF  THE  AZTEC  LANGUAGE 
—  CIVILIZED  PEOPLES  OUTSIDE  OF  ANAHUAC  —  CENTRAL  AMERICAN 
NATIONS— THE  MAYA  CULTURE— -THE  PRIMITIVE  MAYA  EMPIRE— 
NAHUA  INFLUENCE  IN  THE  SOUTH — YUCATAN  AND  THE  MAYAS — THE 
NATIONS  OF  CHIAPAS— THE  QUICHE  EMPIRE  IN  GUATEMALA— THE 
NAHUAS  IN  NICARAGUA  AND  SALVADOR — ETYMOLOGY  OF  NAMES. 

IN  the  preceding  volume  I  have  had  occasion  sev 
eral  times  to  remark  that,  in  the  delineation  of  the 
Wild  Tribes  of  the  Pacific  States,  no  attempt  is 
made  to  follow  them  in  their  rapid  decline,  no  at 
tempt  to  penetrate  their  past  or  prophesy  a  possible 
future,  no  profitless  lingerings  over  those  misfortunes 
that  wrought  among-  them  such  swift  destruction.  To 

O  O 

us  the  savage  nations  of  America  have  neither  past 
nor  future;  only  a  brief  present,  from  which  indeed 
we  may  judge  somewhat  of  their  past;  for  the  rest, 
foreign  avarice  and  interference,  European  piety  and 
greed,  saltpetre,  steel,  small-pox,  and  syphilis,  tell  a 
speedy  tale.  Swifter  still  must  be  the  hand  that 
sketches  the  incipient  civilization  of  the  Mexican  and 

Vol.  II.       6 


CHAPTER   III. 


GOVERNMENT    OF   THE    NAHUA   NATIONS. 

« 

SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT- -THE  AZTEC  CONFEDERACY— ORDER  OF  SUC 
CESSION—ELECTION  OF  KINGS  AMONG  THE  MEXICANS— ROYAL  PRE 
ROGATIVES—GOVERNMENT  AND  LAWS  OF  SUCCESSION  AMONG  THE 
TOLTECS  AND  IN  MlCHOACAN,  TLASCALA,  ClIOLULA,  HUEXOTZINCO, 
AND  OAJACA  —  MAGNIFICENCE  OF  THE  NAHUA  MONARCHS  —  CERE 
MONY  OF  ANOINTM^EN;T.— £$CENT  TO  THE  TEMPLE — THE  HOLY. UNC 
TION—  ADDRESS  OF "TWE'' HIGH-PRIEST  TO  THE  KING— PENANCE  AND 
FASTING  IN  THE  HOUSE  CALLED  TLACATECCO— HOMAGE  OF  THE  NO 
BLES—GENERAL  REJOICING  THROUGHOUT  THE  KINGDOM— CEREMONY 
OF  CORONATION — THE  PROCURING  OF  SACRIFICES — DESCRIPTION  OF 
THE  CROWN— CORONATIONS,  FEASTS,  AND  ENTERTAINMENTS— HOSPI 
TALITY  EXTENDED  TO  ENEMIES — CORONATION-SPEECH  OF  NEZAHUAL- 

PILLI,  KING  OF  TEZCUCO,  TO  MONTEZUMA  II.  OF  MEXICO — ORATION 
OF  A  NOBLE  TO  A  NEWLY  ELECTED  KING. 

THE  prevailing  form  of  government  among  the  civ 
ilized  nations  of  Mexico  and  Central  America  was 
monarchical  and  nearly  absolute,  although  some  of  the 
smaller  and  less  powerful  states,  as  for  instance,  Tlas- 
cala,  affected  an  aristocratic  republican  system.  The 
three  great  confederated  states  of  Mexico,  Tezcuco,  and 
Tlacopan  were  each  governed  by  a  king,  who  had  su 
preme  authority  in  his  own  dominion,  and  in  matters 
touching  it  alone.  Where,  however,  the  welfare  of 
the  whole  allied  community  was  involved,  no  one  king 
could  act  without  the  concurrence  of  the  others ;  never 
theless,  the  judgment  of  one  who  was  held  to  be 
especially  skilful  and  wise  in  any  question  under  con- 

(133) 


134  THE  NAHUA  NATIONS. 

^ideration,  was  usually  deferred  to  by  his  colleagues. 
Thus  in  matters  of  war,  or  foreign  relations,  the  opin 
ion  of  the  king  of  Mexico  had  most  weight,  while  in 
the  administration  of  home  government,  and  in  deci 
sions  respecting  the  rights  of  persons,  it  was  customary 
during  the  reigns  of  the  two  royal  sages  of  Tezcuco, 
Nezahualcoyotl  and  Nezahualpilli,  to  respect  their 
counsel  above  all  other.1  The  relative  importance  of 
these  three  kingdoms  must,  however,  have  shown 
greater  disparity  as  fresh  conquests  were  made,  since 
in  the  division  of  territory  acquired  by  force  of  arms, 
Tlacopan  received  only  one  fifth,  and  of  the  remainder, 
judging  by  the  relative  power  and  extent  of  the  states 
when  the  Spaniards  arrived,  it  is  probable  that  Mex 
ico  took  the  larger  share.2 

In  Tezcuco  and  Tlacopan  the  order  of  succession 
was  lineal  and  hereditary,  in  Mexico  it  was  collateral 
and  elective.  In  the  two  former  kingdoms,  however, 

Bancroft  Library 

1  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apologetica,  MS.,  cap.  ccxi. ;  Zurita,  Rapport,  in  Tcr- 
naux-Compans,   Voy.,  serie  ii.,  torn,  i.,  p.  95;  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind., 
torn,  ii.,  p.  354. 

2  Ixtlilxochitl,  for  whose  patriotism  due  allowance  must  be  made,  writes: 
'Es  verdacl,    que  el   de    Mexico  y  Tezcuco   fueron   iguales  en  dignidud 
senorio  y  rentas;  y  el  de  Tlacopan  solo  tenia  cierta  parte  como  la  quin- 
ta,  en  lo  que  era  rentas  y  despues  en  los  otros  dos.'  Hist.  Chichimcca.,  in 
Kingsborough*8  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.   ix.,  p.  238.      Zurita  also  affirms  this: 
'Dans   certaines,  les  tribnts  etaient  repartis  en  portions  egales,  et  dans 
d'autres  on  en  faisait  cinq  parts:  le  souverain  de  Mexico  et  celui  de  Tez 
cuco  en  prelevaient  chacun  deux,  celui  de  Tacuba  une  seule.'   Rapport,  in 
Ternaux-Coinpans,  Voy.,  serie  ii.,  torn,  i.,  p.  12.     'Qucdo  pues  determinado 
que  a  los  estados  de  Tlacopan  se  agregase  la  quinta  parte  de  las  tie  mis 


Civ.,  torn,  iii.,  p.  191.  Torquemada  makes  a  far  different  division:  'Concur- 
riendo  los  tres,  se  diese  la  quinta  parte  al  Rei  de  Tlacupa,  y  el  Tercio  de  lo 
que  quedase,  a  Ne9alhualcoiotl;  y  los  demas,  a  Itzcohuatzin,  como  a  Cabe9a 
Maior,  y  Suprema.'  Monarq.  Ind.,  torn,  i.,  p.  146.  As  also  does  Clavigero: 
'Si  diede  quella  Corona  (Tlacopan)  a  Totoquihuatzin  sotto  la  condizione 
di  servir  con  tutte  le  sue  truppe  al  Re  di  Messico,  ogni  volta  che  il  richie- 
desse,  assegnando  a  lui  medesimo  per  cib  la  quinta  parte  delle  spoglie,  che 
si  avessero  dai  nemici.  Similmente  Nezahualcojotl  fa  messo  in  possesso 
del  trono  d'Acolhuacan  sotto  la  condizione  di  dover  soccorrere  i  Messicani 
nella  guerra,  e  percio  gli  fa  assegnata  la  terza  parte  della  preda,  cavatane 
prima  quella  del  Re  di  Tacuba,  restando  1'altre  due  terze  parti  pel  Re  Mes- 
sicano.'  Storia  Ant.  del  Messico,  torn,  i.,  p.  224.  Prescott  says  it  was  agreed 
that  'one  fifth  should  be  assigned  to  Tlacopan,  and  the  remainder  be  divided, 
in  what  pro2>ortion  is  uncertain,  between  the  other  powers.'  Mex.,  vol.  i., 
p.  18. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

PALACES    AND    HOUSEHOLDS    OF    THE    NAHUA    KINGS. 

EXTENT  AND  INTERIOR  OF  THE  GREAT  PALACE  IN  MEXICO — THE  PAL 
ACE  OF  NEZAHUALCOYOTL,  KING  OF  TEZCUCO  —  THE  ZOOLOGICAL 
COLLECTIONS  OF  THE  NAHUA  MONARCHS  —  MONTEZUMA'S  ORATORY 
— ROYAL  GARDENS  AND  PLEASURE-GROUNDS  —  THE  HILL  OF  CHA- 
PULTEPEC— NEZAHUALCOYOTL'S  COUNTRY  RESIDENCE  AT  TEZCOZINCO 
— TOLTEC  PALACES— THE  ROYAL  GUARD— THE  KING'S  MEALS— AN 
AZTEC  CUISINE — THE  AUDIENCE  CHAMBER — AFTER-DINNER  AMUSE 
MENTS—THE  ROYAL  WARDROBE — THE  KING  AMONG  HIS  PEOPLE — 
MEETING  OF  MONTEZUMA  II.  AND  CORTES — THE  KING'S  HAREM — 
REVENUES  OF  THE  ROYAL  HOUSEHOLD— POLICY  OF  AZTEC  KINGS. 

In  the  preceding  chapter  we  have  seen  how  the 
monarchs  were  chosen,  and  anointed,  and  crowned, 
and  feasted,  and  lectured;  now  let  us  follow  them  to 
their  homes.  And  here  I  must  confess  I  am  some 
what  staggered  by  the  recitals.  It  is  written  that  as 
soon  as  the  new  king  was  formally  invested  with  the 
right  of  sovereignty,  he  took  possession  of  the  royal 
palaces  and  gardens,  and  that  these  abodes  of  royalty 
were  on  a  scale  of  magnificence  almost  unparalleled  in 
the  annals  of  nations.  How  far  we  may  rely  on  these 
accounts  it  is  difficult  to  say;  how  we  are  to  determine 
disputed  questions  is  yet  more  difficult.  In  the  testi 
mony  before  us,  there  are  two  classes  of  evidence:  one 
having  as  its  base  selfishness,  superstition,  and  patri 
otism;  the  other  disaffection,  jealousy,  and  hatred. 
Between  these  contending  evils,  fortunately,  we  may 

(188) 


RELIABILITY  OF  AUTHORITIES.  159 

at  least  approximate  to  the  truth.  To  illustrate :  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  much  concerning  the  Aztec  civ 
ilization  has  been  greatly  exaggerated  by  the  old 
Spanish  writers,  and  for  obvious  reasons.  It  was 
manifestly  to  the  advantage  of  some,  both  priests  and 
adventurers,  to  magnify  the  power  and  consequence  of 
the  people  conquered,  and  the  cities  demolished  by 
them,  knowing  full  well  that  tales  of  mighty  realms, 
with  Christless  man-eaters  and  fabulous  riches,  would 
soonest  rouse  the  zeal  and  cupidity  of  their  most  Cath 
olic  prince,  and  best  secure  to  them  both  honors  and 
supplies.  Gathered  from  the  lips  of  illiterate  soldiers 
little  prone  to  diminish  the  glory  of  their  achieve 
ments  in  the  narration,  or  from  the  manuscripts  of 
native  historians  whose  patriotic  statements  regarding 
rival  states  no  longer  in  existence  could  with  difficulty 
be  disproved,  these  accounts  passed  into  the  hands  of 
credulous  monks  of  fertile  imagination,  who  drank  in 
with  avidity  the  marvels  that  were  told  them,  and 
wrote  them  down  with  superhuman  discrimination— 
with  a  discrimination  which  made  every  so-called  fact 
tally  with  the  writings  of  the  Fathers.  These  writers 
possessed  in  an  eminent  degree  the  faculty  called  by 
latter-day  scholars  the  imaginative  in  history- writing. 
Whatever  was  told  them  that  was  contrary  to  tradi 
tion  was  certainly  erroneous,  a  snare  of  the  devil;  if 
any  facts  were  wanting  in  the  direction  pointed  out 
by  doctrines  or  dogmas,  it  was  their  righteous  duty  to 
fill  them  in.  Thus  it  was  in  certain  instances.  But 
to  the  truth  of  the  greater  part  of  these  relations, 
testimony  is  borne  by  the  unanimity  of  the  authors, 
though  this  is  partly  owing  to  their  copying  each  from 
the  writings  of  the  others,  and,  more  conclusively,  by 
the  architectural  remains  which  survived  the  attacks 
of  the  iconoclastic  conquerors,  and  the  golden  and  be- 
jeweled  ornaments  of  such  exquisite  workmanship  as 
to  equal  if  not  surpass  anything  of  the  kind  in  Europe, 
which  ornaments  were  sent  to  Spain  as  proofs  of  the 
richness  of  the  country.  At  this  distance  of  time  it 


THE    NATIVE    RACES 

OF   THE 

PACIFIC   STATES. 
MYTHOLOGY,    LANGUAGES. 
CHAPTER  I. 

SPEECH  AND  SPECULATION. 

DlFFEKENCE    BETWEEN    MAN    AND    BRUTES— MlND  LANGUAGE    AND   SoUL-LAN- 

GDAGE  —  ORIGIN  OF  LANGUAGE:  A  GIFT  OF  THE  CREATOR,  A  HUMAN 
INVENTION,  OR  AN  EVOLUTION— NATURE  AND  VALUE  otf  MYTH — ORIGIN  OF 
MITH:  THE  DIVINE  IDEA,  A -FICTION  OF  SORCSRY,  THE  CREATION  OF  A 
DESIGNING  PRIESTHOOD— ORIGIN  OF  WORSHIP,  OF  PRAYER,  OF  SACRIFICE— 
FETICHISM  AND  THE  ORIGIN  OF  ANIMAL -WORSHIP— RELIGION  AND  MY 
THOLOGY. 

HITHERTO  we  have  beheld  Man  only  in  his  material 
organism;  as  a  wild  though  intellectual  animal.  We 
have  watched  the  intercourse  of  uncultured  mind  with 
its  environment.  We  have  seen  how,  to  clothe  himself, 
the  savage  robs  the  beast;  how,  like  animals,  primitive 
man  constructs  his  habitation,  provides  food,  rears  a 
family,  exercises  authority,  holds  property,  wages  Avar. 
indulges  in  amusements,  gratifies  social  instincts;  and 
that  in  all  this,  the  savage  is  but  one  remove  from  the 
brute.  Ascending  the  scale,  we  have  examined  the  first 
stages  of  human  progress  and  analyzed  an  incipient  civ 
ilization.  We  will  now  pass  the  frontier  which  separates 
mankind  from  animal-kind,  and  enter  the  domain  of  the 
immaterial  and  supernatural ;  phenomena  which  philos 
ophy  purely  positive  cannot  explain. 


44  OBIGIN  AND  END  OF  THINGS. 

endeavored  to  give  not  only  the  substance,  but  also,  as 
far  as  possible,  the  peculiar  style  and  phraseology  of  the 
original.  It  is  with  this  primeval  picture,  whose  simple 
silent  sublimity  is  that  of  the  inscrutable  past,  that  we 
begin  :— 

And  the  heaven  was  formed,  and  all  the  signs  thereof 
set  in  their  angle  and  alignment,  and  its  boundaries  fixed 
towards  the  four  winds  by  the  Creator  and  Former,  and 
Mother  and  Father  of  life  and  existence, — he  by  whom 
all  move  and  breathe,  the  Father  and  Cherisher  of  the 
peace  of  nations  and  of  the  civilization  of  his  people,— 
he  whose  wisdom  has  projected  the  excellence  of  all  that 
is  on  the  earth,  or  in  the  lakes,  or  in  the  sea. 

Behold  the  first  word  and  the  first  discourse.  There 
was  as  yet  no  man,  nor  any  animal,  nor  bird,  nor  fish, 
nor  crawfish,  nor  any  pit,  nor  ravine,  nor  green  herb, 
nor  any  tree ;  nothing  was  but  the  firmament.  The  face 
of  the  earth  had  not  yet  appeared, — only  the  peaceful  sea 
and  all  the  space  of  heaven.  There  was  nothing  yet 
joined  together,  nothing  that  clung  to  anything  else ;  no 
thing  that  balanced  itself,  that  made  the  least  rustling, 
that  made  a  sound  in  the  heaven.  There  was  nothing 
that  stood  up ;  nothing  but  the  quiet  water,  but  the  sea, 
calm  and  alone  in  its  boundaries :  nothing  existed ;  no 
thing  but  immobility  and  silence,  in  the  darkness,  in  the 
night.2 

all  tribes  both  white  and  black;  while  they  were  the  parents  of  the  Quiche 
and  kindred  races  only.  The  course  of  the  legend  brings  us  to  tribes  of  a 
strange  blood,  with  which  these  four  ancestors  and  their  people  were  often 
at  war.  The  narrative  is,  however,  itself  so  confused  and  contradictory 
at  points,  that  it  is  almost  impossible  to  avoid  such  things;  and,  as  a 
whole,  the  views  of  Professor  Miiller  on  the  Popol  Vuh  seem  just  and  well 
considered.  Baldwin,  Ancient  America,  pp.  191-7,  gives  a  mere  dilution  of 
Professor  Miiller's  essay,  and  that  without  acknowledgment. 

2  The  original  Quiche  runs  as  follows:  '  Are  u  tzihoxic  vae  ca  catzinin-oc, 
ca  ca  chamam-oc,  ca  tzinonic;  ca  ca  zilanic,  ca  ca  lolinic,  ca  tolona  puch  u 
pa  cah.  Vae  cute  nabe  tzih,  nabe  uchan. — Ma-habi-oc  hun  vinak,  hun 
chicop;  tziquin,  car,  tap,  che,  abah,  hul,  civan,  quim,  qichelah:  xa-utuquel 
cah  qolic.  Mavi  calah  u  vach  uleu:  xa-utuquel  remanic  palo,  u  pah  cah 
ronohel.  Ma-habi  nakila  ca  molobic,  ca  cotzobic:  hunta  ca  zilobic;  carnal 
ca  ban-tah,  ca  cotz  ca  ban-tah  pa  cah.  X-ma  qo-vi  nakila  qolic  yacalic;  xa 
remanic  ha,  xa  lianic  palo,  xa-utuquel  remauic;  x-nia  qo-vi  nakilalo  qolic. 
Xa  ca  chamanic,  ca  tzininic  chi  gekum,  chi  agab.' 

This  passage  is  rendered  by  the  Abbe  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  thus :  '  Voi- 
ci  le  recit  comme  quoi  tout  etait  en  suspens,  tout  etait  calnae  et  silencieux; 


204:          GODS,  SUPERNATURAL  BEINGS,  AND  WORSHIP. 

and  I  have  nothing  more  to  say,  only  to  prostrate  and 
throw  myself  at  thy  feet,  seeking  pardon  for  the  faults 
of  this  my  prayer;  certainly  I  would  not  remain  in  thy 
displeasure,  and  I  have  no  other  thing  to  say. 

The  following  is  a  prayer  to  the  same  deity,  under  his. 
names  Tezcatlipuca  and  Yoalliehecatl,  for  succor  against 
poverty:  0  our  Lord,  protector  most  strong  and  com 
passionate,  invisible,  and  impalpable,  thou  art  the  giver 
of  life;  lord  of  all,  and  lord  of  battles,  I  present  myself 
here  before  thee  to  say  some  few  words  concerning  the 
need  of  the  poor  people,  the  people  of  none  estate  nor 
intelligence.  When  they  lie  down  at  night  they  have 
nothing,  nor  when  they  rise  up  in  the  morning;  the 
darkness  and  the  light  pass  alike  in  great  poverty. 
Know,  0  Lord,  that  thy  subjects  and  servants,  suffer  a 
sore  poverty  that  cannot  be  told  of  more  than  that  it  is 
a  sore  poverty  and  desolateness.  The  men-  have  no  gar 
ments  nor  the  women  to  cover  themselves  with,  but  only 
certain  rags  rent  in  every  part  that  allow  the  air  and  the 
cold  to  pass  everywhere.  With  great  toil  and  weariness 
they  scrape  together  enough  for  each  day,  going  by 
mountain  and  wilderness  seeking  their  food ;  so  faint  and 
enfeebled  are  they  that  their  bowels  cleave  to  the  ribs, 
and  all  their  body  reechoes  with  hollowness ;  and  they 
walk  as  people  affrighted,  the  face  and  the  body  in  like 
ness  of  death.  If  they  be  merchants,  they  now  sell 
only  cakes  of  salt  and  broken  pepper;  the  people  that 
have  something  despise  their  wares,  so  that  they  go  out 
to  sell  from  door  to  door  and  from  house  to  house;  and 
when  they  sell  nothing  they  sit  down  sadly  by  some  fence, 
or  wall,  or  in  some  corner,  licking  their  lips  and  gnaw 
ing  the  nails  of  their  hands  for  the  hunger  that  is  in 
them ;  they  look  on  the  one  side  and  on  the  other  at  the 
mouths  of  those  that  pass  by,  hoping  peradventure  that 
one  may  speak  some  word  to  them.  0  compassionate 
God,  the  bed  on  which  they  lie  down  is  not  a  thing  to 
rest  upon,  but  to  endure  torment  in;  they  draw  a  rag 
over  them  at  night  and  so  sleep;  there  they  throw  down 
their  bodies  and  the  bodies  of  children  that  thou  hast 


THE   NATIVE   RACES 

OF  THE 

PACIFIC   STATES. 

ANTIQUITIES. 

CHAPTER  I. 

ARCHAEOLOGICAL    INTRODUCTION. 

MONUMENTAL  ARCHAEOLOGY— SCOPE  OF  THE  VOLUME — TREATMENT  OF 
THE  SUBJECT — SOURCES  OF  INFORMATION — TANGIBILITY  OF  MATE 
RIAL  RELICS— VAGUENESS  OF  TRADITIONAL  AND  WRITTEN  AR 
CHEOLOGY—VALUE  OF  MONUMENTAL  RELICS,  AS  CONVEYING  POSI 
TIVE  INFORMATION  RESPECTING  THEIR  BUILDERS,  AS  CORROBORATIVE 
OR  CORRECTIVE  WITNESSES,  AS  INCENTIVES  TO  RESEARCH— COUNTER 
FEIT  ANTIQUITIES — EGYPTIAN,  ASSYRIAN,  AND  PERSIAN  MONU 
MENTS — RELICS  PROVING  THE  ANTIQUITY  OF  MAN — EXPLORATION 
OF  AMERICAN  RUINS — KEY  TO  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  HIEROGLYPHICS 
— No  MORE  UNWRITTEN  HISTORY. 

The  present  volume  of  the  NATIVE  RACES  OF  THE 
PACIFIC  STATES  treats  of  monumental  archaeology,  and 
is  intended  to  present  a  detailed  description  of  all  ma 
terial  relics  of  the  past  discovered  within  the  territory 
under  consideration.  Two  chapters,  however,  are  de 
voted  to  a  more  general  view  of  remains  outside  the 
limits  of  this  territory — those  of  South  America  and 
of  the  eastern  United  States — as  being  illustrative  of, 
and  of  inseparable  interest  in  connection  with,  my  sub 
ject  proper.  Since  monumental  remains  in  the  western 
continent  without  the  broad  limits  thus  included  are 


2  ARCHAEOLOGICAL  INTRODUCTION. 

comparatively  few  and  unimportant,  I  may  without 
exaggeration,  if  the  execution  of  the  work  be  in  any 
degree  commensurate  with  its  aim,  claim  for  this 
treatise  a  place  among  the  most  complete  ever  pub 
lished  on  American  antiquities  as  a  whole.  In 
deed,  Mr  Baldwin's  most  excellent  little  book  on 
Ancient  America  is  the  only  comprehensive  work  treat 
ing  of  this  subject  now  before  the  public.  As  a  popu 
lar  treatise,  compressing  within  a  small  duodecimo 
volume  the  whole  subject  of  archaeology,  including,  be 
sides  material  relics,  tradition,  and  speculation  concern 
ing  origin  arid  history  as  well,  this  book  cannot  be  too 
highly  praised;  I  propose,  however,  by  devoting  a 
large  octavo  volume  to  one  half  or  less  of  Mr  Bald 
win's  subject-matter,  to  add  at  least  encyclopedic  value 
to  this  division  of  my  work. 

There  are  some  departments  of  the  present  subject 
in  which  I  can  hardly  hope  to  improve  upon  or  even 
to  equal  descriptions  already  extant.  Such  are  the 
ruins  of  Yucatan,  Guatemala,  and  Nicaragua,  so  ably 
treated  by  Messrs  Stephens,  Gather  wood,  and  Squier. 
Indeed,  not  a  few  relics  of  great  importance  are  known 
to  the  world  only  through  the  pen  or  pencil  of  one 
or  another  of  these  gentlemen,  in  which  cases  I  am 
forced  to  draw  somewhat  largely  upon  the  result  of 
their  investigations.  Yet  even  within  the  territory 
mentioned,  concerning  Uxmal  and  Chichen  Itza  we 
have  most  valuable  details  in  the  works  of  M  M.  Wai- 
deck  and  Charnay;  at  Quirigua,  Dr  Scherzer's  labors 
are  no  less  satisfactory  than  those  of  Mr  Catherwood; 
and  Mr  Squier's  careful  observations  in  Nicaragua  are 
supplemented,  to  the  advantage  of  the  antiquarian 
public,  by  the  scarcely  less  extensive  investigations  of 
Mr  Boyle.  In  the  case  of  Palenque,  in  some  respects 
the  most  remarkable  American  ruin,  we  have,  besides 
the  exhaustive  delineations  of  Waldeck  and  Stephens, 
several  others  scarcely  less  satisfactory  or  interest! n^ 
from  the  pens  of  competent  observers;  and  in  a  large 
majority  of  instances  each  locality,  if  not  each  separate 


CONTENTS  OF  THIS  VOLUME. 


CHAPTEE  I. 

ON    THE    ORIGIN   OF    THE   AMERICANS, 

PAGE. 

Spirit  of  Inquiry  in  the  Middle  Ages — Unity  of  Origin — Flood  Myths 
— Aboriginal  Traditions  of  Origin— Culture  Heroes — China- 
Japan — Hindustan — Tartary — The  Egyptian  Theory — The  Phoeni 
cians — Votan's  Travels — The  Carthaginians — The  Hebrew  Theory 
— The  Mormon  Story — The  Visits  of  the  Scandinavians — Celtic 
Origin— The  Welsh — Scotch — Irish — The  Greeks  and  Romans — 

The  Story  of  Atlantis— The  Autochthonic  Theory 1 

i 

CHAPTEE  II. 

INTRODUCTORY    TO   ABORIGINAL   HISTORY. 

Origin  and  Earliest  History  of  the  Americans  Unrecorded— The  Dark 
Sea  of  Antiquity — Boundary  between  Myth  and  History — Primi 
tive  Annals  of  America  compared  with  those  of  the  Old  World — 
Authorities  and  Historical  Material — Traditional  Annals  aud  their 
Value — Hieroglyphic  Records  of  the  Mayas  and  Nahuas — Spanish 
Writers — The  Conquerors — The  Missionaries — The  Historians — 
Converted  Native  Chroniclers — Secondary  Authorities — Ethnology 
— Arts,  Institutions,  and  Beliefs — Languages — Material  Monu 
ments  of  Antiquity — Use  of  Authorities  and  Method  of  treating 
the  Subject 133 

CHAPTEE  III. 

THE    PRE-TOLTEC   PERIOD    OF   ABORIGINAL   HISTORY. 

Subdivision  of  the  Subject — Tzendal  Tradition  of  the  Votanic  Empire 
— Votan's  Book  and  its  Contents  as  reported  by  Nunez  de  la 
Vega,  Cabrera,  and  Ordonez — Testimony  of  Manners  and  Cus 
toms,  Religion,  Languages,  and  Monuments  of  the  Civilized 
Nations  respecting  the  Primitive  Maya  Peoples — The  Quiche 
Record,  or  Popol  Vuh— Civilizing  Efforts  of  Gucumatz  and  his 
Followers — Exploits  of  Hunahpu  and  "Xbalanque — Conquest  of 
Xibalba — Migration  from  Tulan  Zuiva,  the  Seven  Caves — Meaning 
of  the  Quiche  Tradition — Nahua  Traditions — The  Toltecs  in 


Tin  CONTENTS. 

'  PAGE. 

Tamoanchan  according  to  Sahagun— The  Codex  Chimalpopoca — 
Pre-Toltec  Nations  in  Mexico — Olmecs  and  Xicalancas — The 
Quinamcs — Cholula  and  Quetzalcoatl — The  Totonacs — Teotihuacan 
— Otomis,  Miztecs,  Zapotecs,  and  Htiastecs — The  Toltecs  in 
Huehue  Tlapallan — Migration  to  Andhuac — The  Chichiinecs  in 
Amaquemecan — Ancient  Home  of  the  Nahnatlacas  and  Aztecs — 
Primitive  Annals  of  Yucatan— Conclusions 15G 

CHAPTER  IV. 

THE    TOLTEC    PERIOD. 

The  Nahua  Occupation  of  Mexico  in  the  Sixth  and  Seventh  Centuries 
— Condition  of  Anahuac — The  Mixcohuas  and  Chichimec  Culhuas 
— The  Toltecs  at  Tulancingo  and  Tollan — Establishment  of  a 
Monarchy  and  Choice  of  a  King,  710-720  A.  D. — Kingdoms  of 
Culhuacan  and  Quauhtitlan — The  Teoamoxtli — Prophecies  -and 
Death  of  Hueman— Birth  of  Quetzalcoatl— Foundation  of  the 
Empire,  856  A.  D. — Alliance  between  Culhuacan,  Otompan,  and 
Tollan — Reign  of  Topiltzin  Ceacatl  Quetzalcoatl  at  Tollan — Ex 
cesses  of  Huemac  II.,  or  Tecpancaltzin— Xochitl,  the  King's 
Mistress— Fulfillment  of  the  Prophet's  Predictions— Toveyo's 
Adventures — Plagues  sent  upon  the  Toltecs— Famine  and  Pesti 
lence — Reign  of  Acxitl,  or  Topiltzin — Debauchery  of  King, 
Nobles,  and  Priests — Tokens  of  Diyine  Wrath — Foreign  Inva 
ders—Final  Overthrow  of  the  Toltec  Empire 237 

CHAPTEE  V. 

THE    CHICHIMEC    PERIOD . 

The  Chichimecs  in  Amaquemecan — Migration  to  Andhuac  under 
Xolotl— The  Invaders  at  Chocoyan  and  Tollan — Foundation  of 
Xoloc  and  Tenayocan — Xolotl  II.,  Emperor  of  the  Chichimecs — 
Division  of  Territory— The  Toltecs  at  Culhuacan — Rule  of  Xiuh- 
temoc  and  Nauhyotl  III. — Pochotl,  Son  of  Acxitl— Conquest  of 
Culhuacan — Death  of  Nauhyotl — Huetzin,  King  of  Culhuacan — 
Migration  and  Reception  of  the  Nahuatlaca  Tribes— The  Acolhuas 
at  Coatlichan  and  the  Tepanecs  at  Azcapuzalco — Nonohuacatl, 
King  of  Culhuaean— Revolt  of  Yacanex — Death  of  Xolotl  II. — 
Nopaltzin,  King  of  Tenayocan,  and  Emperor  of  the  Chichimecs — 
Reigns  of  Achitometl  and  Icxochitlanex  at  Culhuacan — Tenden 
cies  toward  Toltec  Culture 289 

CHAPTER  VI. 

THE    CHICHIMEC    PERIOD. CONTINUED. 

Migration  of  the  Aztecs — Nations  of  Andhuac  at  Beginning  of  the 
Thirteenth  Century— The  Aztecs  submit  to  the  Tepanecs— Reign 


CONTENTS.  ix 

PAGE. 

of  the  Emperor  Tlotzin — Quinantziii,  King  of  Tezcuco  and  Chi- 
cliimec  Emperor—Transfer  of  the  Capital — Tenancacaltzin  usurps 
the  Imperial  Throne  at  Tenayocan— The  Usurper  defeated  by 
Tepanecs  and  Mexicans — Acolnahuacatl  proclaimed  Emperor — 
Quinantzin's  Victories — Battle  at  Poyauhtlan — Quinantzin  again 
Emperor — Toltec  Institutions  at  Tezcuco — Events  at  Culhuacan — 
Mexicans  driven  from  Chapultepec — Alliance  between  Mexicans 
and  Culhuas— Religious  Strife — Foundation  of  Mexico — Reign  of 
the  Emperor  Techotl — Political  Changes — Ruin  of  the  Culhua 
Power — Tezozornoc,  King  of  Azcapuzalco — Separation  of  Mexicans 
and  Tlatelulcas — Acamapichtli  II.,  King  of  Mexico — Quaquauh- 
pitzahuac,  King  of  Tlatelulco 321 

CHAPTEE  VII. 

THE    CHICHIMEC    PERIOD CONCLUDED. 

Aztec  History — Reigns  of  Acamapichtli  II.  and  Quaquauhpitzahuac — 
Rebuilding  of  Culhuacan — Huitzilihuitl  II.,  King  of  Mexico — 
Tlacateotzin,  King  of  Tlatelulco — Chimalpopoca  Succeeds  in  Mex 
ico — Funeral  of  Techotl — Ixtlilxochitl,  Emperor  of  the  Chichi- 
mecs — Symptoms  of  Discontent — Plans  of  Tezozomoc,  the  Te- 
panec  King — Secret  Council  of  Rebels — Religious  Toleration  in 
Tezcuco — Conquest  of  Xaltocan  and  Cuitlahuac— Birth  of  Nezalm- 
alcoyotl — War  between  Tezcuco  and  Azcapuzalco — Victories  of 
Ixtlilxochitl — Siege  and  Fall  of  Azcapuzalco — Treachery  of  Tezo 
zomoc — Fall  of  Tezcuco — Flight  and  Death  of  Ixtlilxochitl — Te 
zozomoc  proclaimed  Emperor — Re-organization  of  the  Empire— Ad 
ventures  of  Nezahualcoytl — Death  of  Tezozomoc — Maxtla  usurps 
the  Imperial  Throne— Murder  of  the  Mexican  Kings — Nezahual- 
coyotl's  Victory — Itzcoatl,  King  of  Mexico — Acolhua  and  Aztec 
Alliance — Fall  of  Azcapuzalco — The  Tri-partite  Alliance,  or  the 
New  Empire 359 

CHAPTEE  VIII. 

THE     AZTEC     PERIOD. 

Outline  of  the  Period — Revolt  of  Coyuhuacan — Nezahualcoyotl  on 
the  Throne  of  Tezcuco— Conquest  of  Quauhtitlan,  Tultitlan,  Xo- 
chimilco,  and  Cuitlahuac — Conquest  of  Quauhtitlan — Destruction 
of  the  Records — Death  of  Itzcoatl  and  Accession  of  Montezuma  I. 
New  Temples  at  Mexico — Defeat  of  the  Chalcas — Troubles  with 
Tlatelulco— Conquest  of  Cohuixco  and  Mazatlan — Flood  and  Six 
Years'  Famine — Conquest  of  Miztecapan — The  Aztecs  conquer 
the  Province  of  Cuetlachtlan  and  reach  the  Gulf  Coast — Final 
Defeat  of  the  Chalcas— Campaign  in  Cuextlan — Birth  of  Neza- 
hualpilli — Improvements  in  Tenochtitlan — Embassy  to  Chicomoz- 


I  CONTENTS. 

PAGE. 

toe — Death  of  Montezuma  I.  and  Accession  of  Axayacatl — Raid 
in  Tehuantepec  —  Chimalpopoca  succeeds  Totoquihuatzin  on  the 
Throne  of  Tlacopan— Nezahualpilli  succeeds  Nezahualcoyotl  at 
Tezcuco — Revolt  of  Tlatelulco — Conquest  of  Matlaltzinco — Defeat 
by  the  Tarascos — Death  of  Axayacatl 400 

'  CHAPTER  IX. 

THE    AZTEC    PERIOD — CONCLUDED. 

Reign  of  Tizoc — Nezahualpilli  defeats  the  Huexotzincas — Ahuitzotl, 
King  of  Mexico — Campaigns  for  Captives — Dedication  of  Huitzi- 
lopochtli's  Temple — Seventy  Thousand  Victims — Totoquihuatzin 
II.,  King  of  Tlacopan — Mexican  Conquests — Conquest  of  Totona- 
capan — Aztec  Reverses — Successful  Revolt  of  Tehuantepec  and 
Zapotecapan— Conquest  of  Zacatollan — Anecdotes  of  Nezahualpilli 
New  Aqueduct,  and  Inundation  of  Mexico — Montezuma  II.  on  the 
Throne — Condition  of  the  Empire — Montezuma's  Policy — Unsuc 
cessful  Invasion  of  Tlascala — Famine — Conquest  of  Miztecupun — 
Tying-up  of  the  Cycle  in  1507 — Omens  of  coming  Disaster — The 
Spaniards  on  the  Coast  of  Central  America — Trouble  between 
Mexico  and  Tezeuco — Retirement  and  Death  of  Nezahualpilli — 
Cacama,  King  of  Acolhuacan — Revolt  of  Ixtlilxochitl — Final  Cam 
paigns  of  the  Aztecs — The  Spaniards  on  the  Gulf  Coast — Arrival 
of  Hernan  Cortes 436 

CHAPTER  X. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  EASTERN  PLATEAU,  MICHOACAN,  AND  OAJACA. 

Early  History  of  the  Eastern  Plateau — The  Chichimec-Toltecs — Arrival 
of  the  Teo-Chichimecs  in  Anahuac — They  Conquer  and  Settle  the 
Eastern  Plateau — Civil  Wars — Miscellaneous  Events — Wars  be 
tween  Tlascala  and  the  Nations  of  Anahuac — Early  History  of 
Michoacan — Wars  between  Wanacaces  and  Tarascos — Founding 
of  Tzintzuntzan — Metamorphosis  of  the  Tarasco  Princes — Encroach 
ments  of  the  Wanacaces — The  King  of  the  Isles — Murder  of  Pa- 
wacume  and  Wapeani — Reigns  of  Curatame,  Tariacuri,  Tangaxoan 
I.,  Ziziz  Pandacuare,  Zwanga,  and  Tangaxoan  II. — Origin  of  the 
Miztecs  and  Zapotecs — Wixipecocha — Rulers  of  Oajaca — The 
Huaves  and  Mijes — Later  Kings  and  History  of  Oajaca — Wars 
with  Mexico 483 

CHAPTER  XI. 

THE    QUICHE-CAKCHIQUEL   EMPIRE   IN   GUATEMALA. 

No  Chronology  in  the  South  —  Outline  View  —  Authorities  —  Xba- 
lanque  at  Utatlan  —  The  Migration  from  Tulan  —  Balam-Quitzd 


CONTENTS.  xi 

PAGE. 

and  his  Companions — Sacrifices  to  Tohil— The  Quiche's  on  Mount 
Hacavitz — The  Tamub  and  Ilocab — First  Victories  —  Qocavib 
Founds  the  Monarchy  at  Izmachi  —  The  Toltec  Theory — Imag 
inary  Empire  of  the  East — Different  Versions  of  Primitive  Hist 
ory — The  Cakchiquel  Migration — Juarros  and  Fuentes — Lists  of 
Kings — Cakchiquels  under  Hacavitz— Reigns  of  BalJtm-Conache, 
Cotuha,  and  Iztayul,  at  Izmachi — War  against  the  Ilocab — The 
Stolen  Tribute — Gucumatz,  Quiche  Emperor  at  Utatlan — Changes 
in  the  Government — Reigns  of  Cotuha  II.,  Tepepul,  and  Iztayul 
II. — Cakchiquel  History — Conquests  of  Quicab  I. — Revolt  of  the 
Achihab — Dismemberment  of  the  Empire — Cakchiquel  Conquests 
— Reigns  of  the  last  Guatemalan  Kings — Appearance  of  the  Span 
iards  under  Alvarado  in  1524 540 

CHAPTER  XII. 

MISCELLANEOUS    TRIBES    OF    CENTRAL   AMERICA. 

Scarcity  of  Historical  Data— The  Tribes  of  Chiapas — The  Founders 
and  Heroes  of  the  Chiapanec  Nation — Wars  with  the  Aztecs— The 
People  of  the  Southern  Coast — They  are  vanquished  by  the  Ol- 
mecs — Their  Exodus  and  Journey — They  settle  and  separate — 
Juarros'  Account  of  the  Origin  and  later  History  of  the  Pipiles — 
Pipile  Traditions  —  The  Founding  of  Mictlan  —  Queen  Comiza- 
hual  —  Acxitl's  Empire  of  the  East  —  The  Cholutecs  —  Various 
Tribes  of  Nicaragua— Settlements  of  the  Isthmus 603 

CHAPTEK  XIII. 

HISTORY    OF    THE    MAYAS   IN    YUCATAN. 

Aboriginal  Names  of  Yucatan  —  The  Primitive  Inhabitants  from  the  • 
East  and  West — Zamna  the  Pontiff-King— The  Itzas  at  Chichen — 
Rules  of  Cukulcan  at  Chichen  and  Mayapan — His  Disappearance 
on  the  Gulf  Coast — The  Cocome  Rule  at  Mayapan — Appearance 
of  the  Tutul  Xius — Translation  of  the  Maya  Record  by  Perez  and 
Brasseur — Migration  from  Tulan — Conquest  of  Bacalar  and  Chi 
chen — Itza  Annals  —  Tutul  Xius  at  Uxmal  —  Overthrow  of  the 
Cocome  Dynasty — The  Confederacy,  or  Empire,  of  Tutul  Xius, 
Itzas,  and  Cheles — Fable  of  the  Dwarf — Overthrow  of  the  Tutul 
Xius— Final  Period  of  Civil  Wars . .  614 


THE   NATIVE   RAGES 

OF  THK 

PACIFIC   STATES. 

PEIMITIVE  HISTORY. 

CHAPTER   I. 

ON    THE    ORIGIN    OF    THE    AMERICANS. 

SPIRIT  OF  INQUIRY  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES — UNITY  OF  ORIGIN — FLOOD 
MYTHS — ABORIGINAL  TRADITIONS  OF  ORIGIN — CULTURE-HEROES— 
CHINA— JAPAN— HINDOSTAN— TARTARY— THE  EGYPTIAN  THEORY 
—THE  PHOENICIANS— VOTAN'S  TRAVELS— THE  CARTHAGINIANS— 
THE  HEBREW  THEORY — THE  MORMON  STORY — THE  VISITS  OF  THE 
SCANDINAVIANS — CELTIC  ORIGIN — THE  WELSH — SCOTCH — IRISH— 
THE  GREEKS  AND  ROMANS— THE  STORY  OF  ATLANTIS— THE  Au- 

TOCHTHONIC  THEORY. 

When  it  first  became  known  to  Europe  that  a  new 
continent  had  been  discovered,  the  wise  men,  philos 
ophers,  and  especially  the  learned  ecclesiastics,  were 
sorely  perplexed  to  account  for  such  a  discovery.  A 
problem  was  placed  before  them,  the  solution  of  which 
was  not  to  be  found  in  the  records  of  the  ancients. 
On  the  contrary,  it  seemed  that  old-time  traditions 
must  give  way,  the  infallibility  of  revealed  knowledge 
must  be  called  in  question,  even  the  holy  scriptures 
must  be  interpreted  anew.  Another  world,  upheaved, 
as  it  were,  from  the  depths  of  the  Sea  of  Darkness, 
was  suddenly  placed  before  them.  Strange  races, 


INDEX. 


The  Index  refers  alphabetically  to  each  of  the  ten  or  twelve  thousand 
subjects  mentioned  in  the  five  volumes  of  the  work,  with  numerous  cross- 
references  to  and  from  such  headings  as  are  at  all  confused  by  reason  of 
variations  in  orthography  or  from  other  causes.  In  describing  aboriginal 
manners  and  customs,  the  tribes  are  grouped  in  families,  and  each  family, 
instead  of  each  tribe,  has  been  described  separately;  consequently,  after 
each  tribal  name  in  the  Index  is  a  reference  to  the  pages  containing  a  de 
scription  of  the  family  to  which  the  tribe  belongs;  there  is  also  an  additional 
reference  to  such  pages  as  contain  any  'special  mention'  of  the  tribe.  For 
example,  information  is  sought  about  the  Ahts.  In  the  Index  is  found 
'Ahts,  tribe  of  Nootkas,  i.,  175-208;  special  mention,  i.,  177,  180-1,'  etc. 
All  the  matter  relating  to  the  Nootka  family  on  pp.  175-203,  is  supposed  to 
apply  to  the  Ahts  as  well  as  to  the  other  tribes  of  the  family,  except  such 
differences  as  may  be  noted  on  pp.  177,  180-1,  etc.  If  information  is  sought 
respecting  the  burial  rites  or  any  particular  custom  of  the  Ahts,  a  more 
direct  reference  to  the  exact  pages  will  be  found  under  '  Nootkas, '  where  the 
-matter  relating  to  that  family  is  subdivided.  The  matter  in  the  last  three 
chapters  of  vol.  v.  is  referred  to  in  the  earlier  letters  of  the  Index  by  chap 
ters  instead  of  pages.  No  table  of  abbreviations  used  is  believed  to  be 
needed. 


Aba,  iii.,  354,  see  Aoa. 

Abah  (Abagh),  Tzendal  day,  ii.,  767; 

name  for  Atitlan,  v.,  chap.  xi. 
Abajo  Val.,  Hond.,  antiq.,  iv.,  70. 
Aban,  Mayapaii  ruler,  v.,  chap.  xiii. 
Abbato-tiiineh,  Kutchin  dialect,  iii., 

587. 

Abchuy  Kak,  Maya  god,  iii. ,  467. 
Abiquiu,  locality  of  Utahs,  i.,  465. 
Abmoctacs,  Cent.  Cal.  tribe,  i.,  363- 

401;  location,  i.,  452. 
Abo,  New  Mex.,  antiq.,  iv.,  663. 
Abortion,  i.,  169,  197,  242,  279,  390, 

634,  773;  ii.,  183,  269,  469-70. 
Abrevadero,  Jalisco,  antiq.,  iv.,  577. 
Ac,  herb,  Yucatan,  ii.,  698. 
Acacebastla,  locality,   Cent.   Amer., 

iii.,  760. 
Acachinanco,  locality,    Mexico,   iii., 

298;  v.,  507. 


Acagchemems,  South  Cal.  tribe,  i., 

402-22;   location,  iii.,   162;   myth., 

iii.,  162-9,  525.    . 

Acagnikakh,  Aleut  1st  man,  iii.,  104. 
Acalmalcingo    (Acahualtzinco,    Tla- 

lixco),  Aztec  station,  v.,  323. 
Acala,  city,  Chiapas,  i.,  681. 
Acalan,  city,  Guatemala,  ii.,  650;  v., 

347. 

Acalli,  canoes,  ii.,  398. 
Acamapichtli  I.  king  of  Culhuacan, 

v.,  341-54. 
Acamapichtli   II.,  king  of   Mexico, 

v.,  354-62,  492. 
Acanum,  Maya  god,  ii. ,  698. 
Acapichtzin,  Toltec  hero,  v.,  213,  246. 
Acapipioltzin,    a   Chichimec   prince, 

v.,  428,  450-1. 
Acaponeta,   province  in  Jalisco,   i., 

609,  671;  v.,  509. 
Acapulco,  city  in  Guerrero,  i.,  678, 

ii.,  109. 
A  cat,  Maya  god,  iii.,  467. 


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THE   WORKS 


OF 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


THE    WORKS 


OF 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


VOLUME  VI, 


HISTORY  OF  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 

VOL.  I.     1501-1530. 


SAN  FRANCISCO  : 
A.  L.  BANCROFT  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 

1882, 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  Year  1882,  by 

HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT. 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


All  Rights  Reserved. 


CALIFORNIA  PASTORAL. 


CALIFORNIA 


PASTOEAL 


BEING 

SKETCHES  OF  LIFE  AND  SOCIETY  UNDER  MISSION  REGIME. 

BY 

BY   HUBERT   HOWE   BANCROFT. 


Hue  ades,  O  Galatea;  quis  est  nam  ludus  in  undis  ? 
hie  ver  purpurenrn ;  varies  hie  flurnina  circum 
fundit  humus  flores;  hie  Candida  populus  antro 
imminet,  et  Ienta3  texunt  umbracula  vites. 
Hue  ades:  insani  feriant  sine  litora  fluctus. 

Virgil. 


SAN  FRANCISCO  : 
A.  L.  BANCROFT  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 

188-. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  Year  1882,  by 

HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT. 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


All  Eights  Reserved. 


PREFACE 


Having  accumulated  for  that,  portion  of  my  History 
of  California  relating  to  the  Missions  and  Mission  life 
a  superabundance  of  material,  for  some  of  which  it  was 
impossible  to  find  room  within  the  allotted  space,  of 
that  remaining  I  have  taken  the  best,  and  weaving 
with  it  some  antique  foreign  facts  and  later  fancies 
of  my  own,  I  have  embodied  the  result  in  this  book, 
which  I  call  California  Pastoral  because  of  the  pas 
toral  life  then  led  by  the  people,-  and  in  contradis 
tinction  to  another  book,  to  follow  this,  which  I 
entitle  California  Inter  Pocula,  in  which  I  attempt 
to  set  forth  some  of  the  wild  orgies  of  the  gold-hunt 
ing  bacchanalia.  Seldom  have  been  found  in  civilized 
societies  qualities  more 'distinctly  opposite  than  those 
appearing  among  the  people  of  California  before  and 
after  the  great  gold  discovery.  Neither  of  these  ex 
act  phases  of  society  can  ever  be  reproduced  in  the 
history  of  nations,  for  the  engendering  conditions  will 
be  wanting.  Therefore  it  may  be  well  to  examine 
more  carefully  these  two  historical  episodes  while  we 
have  the  opportunity,  for  each  has  its  own  significance 
to  him  who  can  fathom  it. 


|(    CALIFORNIA 
INTER    POCULA 


CALIFORNIA 


INTER  POCULA 


A  COLLECTION  OF  CLASSICAL  ABNORMITIES. 


BY 

HUBERT   HOWE   BANCROFT. 
VOLUME  I. 


Pape  Satan,  Pape  Satan,  aleppe  I 

Dante. 


SAN  FRANCISCO  : 

A.  L.  BANCROFT  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 
188-. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  Year  1882,  by 

HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT. 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


All  Rights  Reserved. 


PREFACE. 


So  full  of  oddities,  and  crudities,  and  strange  devel 
opments,  consequent  upon  unprecedented  combina 
tions  of  nationalities,  characters,  and  conditions,  were 
the  flush  times  of  California,  that  to  condense  them 
into  the  more  solid  forms  of  history  without  to  some 
extent  stifling  the  life  that  is  in  them  and  marring 
their  originality  and  beauty  is  not  possible.  There 
are  topics  and  episodes  and  incidents  which  cannot 
be  vividly  portrayed  without  a  tolerably  free  use  of 
words — I  do  not  say  a  free  use  of  the  imagination. 

Much  has  been  written  of  the  California!!  Inferno 
of  1849  and  the  years  immediately  following,  much 
that  is  neither  fact  nor  fable.  Great  and  gaudy 
pictures  have  been  painted,  but  few  of  them  bear 
much  resemblance  to  nature.  Many  conceits  have 
been  thrown  off  by  fertile  brains  which  have  given 
their  authors  money  and  notoriety;  but  the  true 
artist,  who  with  the  hand  of  a  master  drawing  from 
life,  places  before  the  observer  the  all- glowing  facts, 
unbesmeared  by  artificial  and  deceptive  coloring,  has 
yet  to  appear. 

No  attempt  is  made  in  these  pages  to  outdo  my 
predecessors  in  morbid  intensifications  of  the  certain 
phases  of  society  and  character  engendered  of  the 
times.  They  contain  simple  sketches  and  plain  de 
scriptions,  historical  rather  than  fantastical,  with  no 
effort  toward  exaggeration. 


POPULAR   TRIBUNALS 


POPULAE 


TRIBU'NALS. 


BY 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


VOLUME  I. 


Fiat  justitia  mat  ccelum. 


SAN  FRANCISCO : 
A.  L.  BANCROFT  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 

1882. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  Year  1882,  by 

HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 

All  Rights  Reserved. 


WILLIAM  T.  COLEMAN, 

CHIEF  OF  THE  GREATEST  POPULAR  TRIBUNAL  THE  WORLD  HAS  EVER 
WITNESSED, 

I    DEDICATE    THIS    WORK. 


PREFACE. 


During  my  researches  in  Pacific  States  history, 
and  particularly  while  tracing  the  development  of 
Anglo-American  communities  on  the  western  side 
of  the  United  States,  I  fancied  I  saw  unfolding  into 
healthier  proportions,  under  the  influence  of  a  purer 
atmosphere,  that  sometime  dissolute  principle  of  po 
litical  ethics,  the  right  of  the  governed  at  all  times 
to  instant  and  arbitrary  control  of  the  government. 
The  right  thus  claimed  was  not  to  be  exercised  except 
in  cases  of  emergency,  in  cases  where  such  interfer 
ence  should  be  deemed  necessary,  but  it  was  always 
existent;  and  as  the  people  themselves  were  to  de 
termine  what  should  constitute  emergency  and  what 
necessity,  these  qualifications  were  impertinent. 

Though  liable  at  times  to  the  grossest  abuse,  I 
found  this  sentiment  latent  among  widely  spread  and 
intelligent  peoples,  but  in  a  form  so  anomalous  that 
few  would  then  admit  to  themselves  its  presence 
among  their  convictions.  It  was  a  doctrine  acted 
rather  than  spoken,  and  existing  as  yet  in  practice 
only,  never  having  through  formulas  of  respectability 
worked  itself  out  in  theory.  Yet  it  was  palpably 
present,  more  often  as  a  regretted  necessity,  usually 
denounced  in  judicial  and  political  circles,  though 
clearly  operating  under  certain  conditions  to  the  wel 
fare  of  society. 

J  (7) 


8  BANCROFT'S  WORKS. 

Finding  on  these  Pacific  shores,  in  a  degree  superior 
to  any  elsewhere  appearing  in  the  annals  of  the  race, 
this  phase  of  arbitrary  power  as  displayed  by  the 
many  Popular  Tribunals  here  engendered,  I  pressed 
inquiry  in  that  direction,  and  these  volumes  are  the 
result.  It  is  all  history;  and  though  herein  I  some 
times  indulge  in  details  which  might  swell  unduly 
exact  historical  narration,  I  have  felt  constrained  to 
omit  more  facts  and  illustrations  than  I  have  given. 
These  omissions,  however,  are  not  made  at  random, 
or  to  the  injury  of  the  work,  but  only  after  carefully 
arranging  and  comparing  all  the  information  on  the 
subject  I  have  been  able  to  gather. 

And  the  material  was  abundant.  Beside  printed 
books,  manuscripts,  and  the  several  journals  of  the 
period  advocating  the  opposite  sides  of  the  .question, 
I  was  fortunate  enough  to  secure  all  the  archives  of 
the  San  Francisco  Committee  of  Vigilance  of  1851, 
and  to  obtain  free  access  to  the  voluminous  records 
and  documents  of  the  great  Committee  of  1856.  But 
this  was  not  all.  Well  knowing  that  the  hidden  work 
ings  of  the  several  demonstrations  could  be  obtained 
only  from  the  mouths  of  their  executive  officers,  I  took 
copious  dictations  from  those  who  had  played  the  most 
prominent  parts  in  the  tragedies.  From  one  member 
I  learned  what  occurred  on  a  given  occasion  at  the 
point  where  he  happened  to  be;  from  another,  what 
was  taking  place  at  the  same  time  at  another  point 
of  observation ;  and  so  on,  gathering  from  each  some 
thing  the  others  did  not  know  or  remember.  By 
putting  all  together  I  was  enabled  to  complete  the 
picture  of  what  were  otherwise  a  conglomeration  of 
figures  and  events. 

At  first  I  found  the  gentlemen  of  1856  exceedingly 


POPULAR  TRIBUNALS.  9 

backward  in  divulging  secrets  so  long  held  sacred;  and 
it  was  only  after  I  had  given  them  the  most  convincing 
assurances  of  the  strength  and  purity  of  my  purpose 
that  I  obtained  their  united  consent  to  place  me  in 
possession  of  their  whole  knowledge  of  the  matter.. 
Often  had  they  been  applied  to  for  such  information, 
and  as  often  had  they  declined  giving  it.  And  for 
good  reasons.  They  had  offended  the  law;  they  had 
done  violence  to  many  who  -still  cherished  hatred; 
they  had  suffered  from  annoying  and  expensive  suits 
at  law  brought  against  them  by  the  expatriated;  they 
had  disbanded  but  had  not  disorganized,  and  they  did 
not  know  at  what  moment  they  might  again  be  sum 
moned  to  rise  in  defence  of  society,  or  to  band  for 
mutual  protection.  From  the  beginning  it  was  held 
by  each  a  paramount  obligation  to  divulge  nothing. 

On  the  other  hand  the  questions  arose :  Are  these 
secrets  to  die  with  you?  May  not  the  knowledge  of 
your  experience  be  of  value  to  succeeding  societies? 
Have  you  the  right  to  bury  in  oblivion  that  experi 
ence,  to  withhold  from  your  fellow-citizens  and  from 
posterity  a  knowledge  of  the  ways  by  which  you 
achieved  so  grand  a  success?  And  so  after  many 
meetings,  and  warm  deliberations,  it  was  agreed  that 
the  information  should  be  placed  at  my  disposal  for 
the  purpose  of  publication. 

However  I  may  have  executed  my  task,  the  time 
selected  for  its  performance  was  most  opportune. 
Ten  years  earlier  the  actors  in  these  abnormal  events 
would  on  no  account  have  divulged  their  secrets;  ten 
years  later  many  of  them  will  have  passed  away,  and 
the  opportunity  be  forever  lost  for  obtaining  informa 
tion  which  they  alone  could  give. 


LITERARY  INDUSTRIES 


LITEEAEY 


INDUSTRIES 


A  MEMOIE. 


BY 

HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT, 


Cannot  you  tell  that?    Every  fool  can  tell  that. 

Hamlet. 


SAN  FRANCISCO: 
A.  L.  BANCROFT  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 

188-. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  In  the  Tear  1882,  by 

HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT. 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


All  Rights  Reserved. 


PREFACE. 


This  book  is  a  record  of  things  nearest  me  during 
an  active  and  eventful  life;  a  record  of  the  failures 
and  successes  of  a  life  not  wholly  good,  bad,  or  indif 
ferent.  Further,  and  more  important,  it  is  a  record 
of  certain  literary  efforts  and  accomplishments  beside 
which  I  myself  sink  to  insignificance. 

As  to  the  spirit  and  manner  of  it,  whatsoever  has 
come  to  me  that  have  I  written  in  all  frankness  and 
honesty,  and  let  me  hope  without  that  affectation  of 
modesty  which  is  the  greatest  egotism. 


THE   WORKS 


OF 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


THE    WORKS 


OF 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


VOLUME  VII. 


HISTORY  OF  CENTRAL  AMERICA. 

VOL.  II.     1550-1800. 


SAN  FRANCISCO  : 
A.  L.  BANCROFT  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 

1883. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  Year  1882,  by 

HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT. 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


All  Rights  Reserved. 


TESTIMONY 

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GOVERNOR   OF   CALIFORNIA 

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MAYOR    OF    SAN    FRANCISCO, 


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